Bangladesh is now slipping into an abyss from which it won’t be easy to extricate itself.
NEW DELHI: On 25 March 1971, the Pakistani Army launched the infamous “Operation Searchlight,” a brutal pogrom targeting the hapless citizens of East Pakistan in an attempt to crush the Bengali nationalist movement and force them into submission. Over the next nine months, one of history’s most under-reported genocides unfolded, claiming the lives of over three million people, subjecting 300,000 women to rape, and forcing approximately 10 million to flee to India for refuge. Supporting this murderous campaign were the Razakars—a paramilitary force in East Pakistan organised by General Tikka Khan.
In addition to the Razakars, the Jamaat-e-Islami actively collaborated with the Pakistan Army, fighting alongside them against the freedom fighters of Bangladesh. The Pakistani government, leveraging Jamaat-e-Islami’s influence, established the “East-Pakistan Central Peace Committee” (known locally as the Shanti Committee or Shanti Bahini). Together, the Shanti Bahini, Razakars, and the Pakistani Army perpetrated heinous war crimes, including mass executions, systematic torture, and widespread sexual violence. The Jamaat-e-Islami also formed auxiliary groups such as “Al-Badar” and “Al-Shams” (referred to as the Rajakar Bahini in Bengali) to bolster the Pakistani military’s efforts. These groups not only facilitated atrocities but also operated concentration camps and systematically used rape as a weapon of war to terrorise and subjugate the Bengali population.
Major General Khadim Raja was one of the two generals who planned “Operation Searchlight”, approved by General Tikka Khan, the overall commander of forces in East Pakistan. On 11 April, after major cities had been seized by the Pakistan Army, General Tikka Khan was appointed as the Governor of East Pakistan, while General Niazi was given command of all Pakistani forces in the region. Khadim recalls a disturbing incident when Niazi entered the operations room for a briefing, dressed with a pistol holster on his web belt. He quickly turned abusive, raving in anger, and declared in Urdu, “Main iss haramzadi qaum ki nasal badal doonga. Yeh mujhe kiya samajhtey hain” This statement epitomised the violent and dehumanising approach of the Pakistani military leadership towards the Bengali population.
Rape and sex were deeply entrenched in the psyche of the Pakistan military command during the 1971 genocide. Recalls Khadim Raja: Niazi asked me for the phone numbers of my Bengali girlfriends, saying, “Abhi tau mujhey Bengali girlfriends kay phone number day do,” he said. This casual attitude toward sexual violence underscored Niazi’s twisted strategy of using rape as a weapon to terrorise the Bengali population.
Niazi’s intent to reshape the Bengali identity was not merely rhetoric. Had the Pakistani Army maintained its grip on power for another decade, they might have achieved significant, irreversible changes. Fortunately, the Pakistan Army surrendered on 16 December 1971 to the joint command of the Indian Armed Forces and the Mukti Bahini, and Bangladesh became an independent country. This halted Niazi’s attempt to change the Bengali lineage. Or did it? With the overthrow of the Sheikh Hasina government and the installation of Muhammad Yunus as the caretaker head of the government in early August this year, the seeds planted by Niazi seem to have come to fruition 53 years after the creation of Bangladesh.
While Bangladesh fought its war of independence to preserve its language and culture, it could not root out the deep inroads that Islamic fundamentalists had made in society. The assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975 and the period of instability that followed with military rule till 1990 all led to radical Islamic forces gaining strength in the country. A period of democracy, with the two mainstream political parties of Bangladesh—the Awami League led by Sheikh Hasina and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) led by Khaleda Zia jostling for power, marked the two decades following the turn of the century. Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League won the election for the fourth time in January this year, giving Bangladesh stability from January 2009 to August 2024. Earlier, she was Prime Minister from June 1996 to July 2001. However, the growth of radical Islamist groups in Bangladesh could not be curbed. The schisms between the two main political parties of Bangladesh enabled the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami—the Islami Chhatra Shibir, to infiltrate both major political student organisations—the Chhatra League of Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League and the Chhatra Dal of Khaleda’s BNP— and to cultivate their leaders and activists within these groups.
In response to the emergence of the Ganajagaran Mancha in support of Hasina’s politics in 2012, a group named Hefazat-e-Islam was formed with direct assistance from Khaleda Zia’s party and specific external forces in Bangladesh. It was a coalition based on Qawmi madrasas that denounced the Ganajagaran Mancha as atheistic and launched violent street movements. Initially, Sheikh Hasina took a tough stance against Hefazat-e-Islam but later established amicable relations, buying peace in exchange for financial and other incentives, following the advice of her then-military secretary, who even publicly participated in Hefazat’s gatherings. At their recommendation, the curriculum was increasingly Islamised, and numerous madrasas were established, allowing Hefazat to grow under government patronage. While the Hefazat ideologically opposed the Jamaat, both groups worked together to form a joint front against the Hasina government. This led to significant support for the Jamaat, especially in higher educational institutions and among families of Awami League members, creating a substantial “soft” support base for Jamaat beyond its dedicated followers. Bangladesh was sitting on a powder keg, ready to explode. That explosion took place on 5 August, forcing Sheikh Hasina to flee to India for refuge.
Despite the sacrifice made by Indian soldiers for the liberation of Bangladesh, Hindus became soft targets for the rising tide of Islamism in Bangladesh. After Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s assassination, during the turbulent period up to 1996, the minority Hindu community in Bangladesh came under constant attack from radical Islamists. Their temples were desecrated, women were raped, and many were killed or forcibly converted. These atrocities continued even under Sheikh Hasina’s rule, though to a far lesser degree. Now, with the violent overthrow of the legally elected government in Bangladesh, the gloves are off, and the Hindu community is once again facing the brunt of atrocities by radical Islamists. Since August this year, many innocents have been killed, their women raped, and over ten thousand Hindu homes have been burned.
Temples in the hundreds have been desecrated, and even the ISKCON temple was not spared. The head of the ISKCON Temple has been arrested on false charges of sedition and murder, and the interim government is either helpless to prevent these atrocities or complicit in their occurrence. In either event, Muhammad Yunus has a lot to answer.
Dr Yunus belongs to a family which collaborated with the Pakistani Army during the Liberation War of 1971. His younger brother was arrested in 1972 under the Collaborators Act as a Pakistani collaborator and remained imprisoned until Sheikh Mujib’s general amnesty. The fathers of two advisors in his government were also direct collaborators. The leader of the Hefazat is also an advisor to the government, while the primary driving force behind the government is Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh.
Bangladesh is now slipping into an abyss from which it won’t be easy to extricate itself. A nation brutalised by Pakistan when it was part of that country is now trying to form a shared religious identity with that state. The lessons of history have been forgotten, and the genocide suffered by the people of Bangladesh is now but a distant memory. A nation loses its sovereignty and essence when it surrenders its identity, which rests on three pillars: religion, culture, and language. Bangladesh fought the Liberation War in 1971 to preserve its culture and language after losing its original religious roots to Islam. Now, with the growing influence of radical Islam, it risks losing the very elements it fought to protect. The increasing incorporation of Urdu into the local lexicon and the Arabisation of customs threaten to dilute its unique identity. While this shift may align with Western geopolitical strategies to counterbalance China, Russia, and India, it comes at a devastating cost to the people of Bangladesh, who stand to lose their cultural heritage. Yunus is leading his people to become poor copies of the Arabs.
Fifty-three years after the Liberation War, Niazi appears to have won. Bangladeshis are on course to change their lineage. Lying in his grave, seeing how events have turned out after his humiliating surrender to the Indian Armed Forces, Niazi probably has a wry smile on his face. He is the final victor.
Maj Gen Dhruv C. Katoch is the Director of the India Foundation. Views expressed in this article are personal.