Home > News > From Panchen Lama to Dalai Lama: How Beijing’s Succession Politics Fuel Tibet’s Resistance

From Panchen Lama to Dalai Lama: How Beijing’s Succession Politics Fuel Tibet’s Resistance

Tibet had declared itself an independent nation in 1913, but China refused to recognise this and maintained that Tibet was a part of China. In 1949, the Communist Party of China came to power and claimed Tibet as a part of the People’s Republic of China.

By: Aritra Banerjee
Last Updated: October 6, 2025 12:54:50 IST

New Delhi: Tibet had declared itself an independent nation in 1913, but China refused to recognise this and maintained that Tibet was a part of China. In 1949, the Communist Party of China came to power and claimed Tibet as a part of the People’s Republic of China. In 1950, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) marched into Tibet and occupied the country. They forced the Tibetan government to sign the 17-Point Agreement, which recognised Chinese sovereignty over Tibet while granting the Tibetans autonomy in their internal affairs.

However, the Chinese government failed to implement the agreement and instead began a process of repression and cultural assimilation in Tibet. The 14th Dalai Lama, only 15 years old at the time, assumed the role of the head of the Tibetan government.

As China continued to exert its influence over Tibet, the Dalai Lama grew increasingly concerned about the loss of Tibetan autonomy and cultural identity. Despite his tender age, the Dalai Lama had been negotiating with the Chinese government to try and establish a peaceful resolution, but the situation had reached a breaking point.

In early March 1959, thousands of Tibetans gathered at the Norbulingka and Potala Palace in Lhasa to protest Chinese rule and to prevent the Chinese authorities from arresting the Dalai Lama. Fearing a plot by the Chinese to abduct him, the Dalai Lama consulted religious oracles and eventually decided to flee Tibet to save his life.

On 17 March 1959, the Chinese fired two artillery shells towards the palace, and hit the gardens, narrowly missing the main palace. This was when the Dalai Lama took the tough decision to leave his homeland. In the dead of night, wearing a soldier’s uniform with a gun slung over his shoulder, the Dalai Lama left the Palace. They walked for hours through the dark and snowy mountains, dodging Chinese patrols and hiding in caves when necessary. They sought refuge in monasteries, tiny villages where locals hosted and provided them shelter and protection. This marked a significant turning point in the Chinese occupation of Tibet.

Finally, after nearly two weeks of gruelling travel, the Dalai Lama and his party crossed the border into India at Khenzimane Pass on March 31. The party took a couple of days to reach Tawang in west Arunachal Pradesh. 

The Dalai Lama stayed four days in Tawang, where he had the opportunity to visit the beautiful monastery Tawang Gompa and Urgyeling, the place where the 6th Dalai Lama, Tsangyang Gyaltso, spent his first years. The Dalai Lama later proceeded to Bomdila, where he was officially received by an envoy of the Indian Government as a welcome message from Nehru. After a few days of rest, the party left for the plains of India.

The 14th Dalai Lama formally rescinded the 1951 Seventeen-Point Agreement with China in early March 1959, as he was fleeing Tibet for India. On 29 April 1959, the 14th Dalai Lama in exile re-established the Kashag, which was abolished a month earlier by the government of the People’s Republic of China on 28 March 1959.[

He later became the permanent head of the Tibetan Administration and the executive functions for Tibetans-in-exile. On 11 February 1991, Tibet became a founding member of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) at a ceremony held at the Peace Palace in The Hague, Netherlands. After the Dalai Lama decided no longer to assume administrative authority, the Charter of Tibetans in Exile was updated in May 2011 to repeal all articles relating to his political duties.

(Aritra Banerjee is a defence, foreign affairs, and strategic affairs columnist, and co-author of The Indian Navy @75: Reminiscing the Voyage. He holds a Master’s in International Relations, Security and Strategy, and writes extensively on security, geopolitics, and military history with bylines in leading national and international outlets.)

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