No more free lunches: How Washington is dismantling the Internet we know

When the US demands Meta or Google dismantle surveillance advertising apparatus to protect American teenagers, they effectively rewrite the code for the entire world. Maintaining separate architectures for different countries is technically unfeasible and financially ruinous. This is where the math becomes unforgiving for India.

By: Brijesh Singh
Last Updated: May 3, 2026 06:56:23 IST

For nearly two decades, the digital age has operated on a deceptively simple bargain: we surrender our data, they provide the services. It felt symbiotic—perhaps even egalitarian. A student in Mumbai, a banker in New York; both accessing the same blue app, the same video-sharing platform, the same microblogging site… often for free. We assumed this model was sustainable, that attention economics were universal, and the “free internet” a permanent public good. But that assumption is being dismantled in Washington, D.C., and the tremors will be felt acutely in New Delhi and beyond. The era of the universally free internet, subsidized by surveillance, is drawing to a close… India stands at the precipice of a painful but necessary restructuring of its digital economy.

The agent of disruption is not new technology, but a regulatory shift in the United States. The Federal Trade Commission (FTC), under current leadership, has abandoned the old playbook of issuing fines for past data misuse. Previously, a tech giant might pay a billion-dollar penalty for a privacy breach—a mere cost of doing business, a toll on the highway to record profits. The FTC’s new strategy is far more aggressive. It seeks “structural injunctions” to prevent data collection entirely. This moves the regulator from traffic cop handing out tickets to town planner blocking off roads. By targeting “commercial surveillance”—the algorithmic engine monetizing user behaviour—the FTC attempts to sever the link between data harvesting and advertising revenue. While stated intent is protecting American consumers from cybercrime, privacy violations, and exploitative “surveillance pricing,” the consequences are inherently global. The internet respects no borders, nor do the engineering stacks of major technology companies. When the FTC demands Meta or Google dismantle surveillance advertising apparatus to protect American teenagers, they effectively rewrite the code for the entire world. Maintaining separate architectures for different countries is technically unfeasible and financially ruinous. Consequently, the new American standard becomes the de facto global standard. This is where the math becomes unforgiving for India.

The uncomfortable reality: the “free” internet was never really free. It was cross-subsidized. Users in the United States and Europe, with high purchasing power, generated massive revenue per user (ARPU). Their data was incredibly valuable; targeting systems allowed companies to extract premium rents from advertisers. This surplus subsidized infrastructure for users in the developing world, where return on investment is a fraction of the West. An average Indian social media user generates a few dollars annually in ad revenue, while an American counterpart generates over a hundred. For years, the Indian user has been a passenger in a car paid for by someone else.

If the FTC breaks the targeting engine, revenue from American users will plummet. If the subsidy dries up, the economic viability of serving hundreds of millions of low-revenue users in India and the Global South comes into question. We approach what analysts call the “ARPU Cliff.” If the cost of maintaining a user account—storage, bandwidth, content moderation, compliance—exceeds reduced income from privacy-compliant advertising, the “free” model collapses. This is not hypothetical; it is a looming arithmetic certainty. Platforms will be forced to choose: withdraw from low-margin markets, drastically degrade service quality, or finally introduce paywalls that have been discussed but rarely implemented.

This creates a profound dilemma for New Delhi. The Indian government has articulated its own vision of digital sovereignty through the Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act. India’s intent is noble: giving citizens control over data and creating accountability. However, when DPDP Act strictures intersect with the FTC’s structural crackdown, they create a regulatory pincer movement. The combined effect squeezes US tech giants’ revenue models even tighter. There is a risk that India, in its zeal to protect privacy, might inadvertently accelerate web fragmentation, leaving citizens with an internet that is either expensive or devoid of global services.

Yet, this crisis presents an opportunity for a distinct Indian path. The response to the “ARPU Cliff ” cannot simply be begging for the surveillance economy’s return. That model was extractive and left Indian users vulnerable to cybercrime and manipulation. Instead, the shift necessitates moving from a “data colony” to a “data fortress.” India has laid the groundwork through public digital infrastructure. The Unified Payments Interface (UPI) demonstrated how a public utility can displace a private monopolist’s payment rails. Similarly, the Open Network for Digital Commerce (ONDC) attempts to democratize e-commerce away from platform-controlled discovery algorithms. The next evolution must tackle the social media and communication layer. If global platforms become unaffordable or restricted, space opens for indigenous solutions designed for Global South economics from the ground up. These platforms would not rely on high-margin targeting algorithms currently being dismantled in Washington. Instead, they might operate on lower margins, or perhaps a model where the user is a partner rather than a product—a vision outlined in “Account Aggregators” where data flows with user consent to financial services, creating value without the surveillance middleman.

The friction we witness is essentially the growing pain of the internet transitioning from lawless frontier to regulated economy. In the United States, regulation is driven by reaction to Big Tech excesses and cybercrime threats. In India, the motivation must be different. It must ensure digital access and equity in a world where Western subsidy is evaporating. The Indian government and private sector must prepare for a scenario where the “global” social internet becomes a premium service, accessible only to those who can pay or those living in high-value geographies. Implications for the average Indian user are significant. We may soon see a tiered internet. A “Premium West” where users enjoy polished, algorithmically refined experiences, perhaps paying via subscriptions. And a “Utility South” where services are functional, perhaps interoperable and publicgood oriented, but stripped of bells and whistles from the venture-capital subsidized era. This is not necessarily dystopian; a utility-focused internet prioritizing connectivity over engagement farming might be healthier for society and democracy. But the transition will be jarring.

We stand at a historical inflection point. The invisible contract governing the digital world for 20 years is being torn up in Washington. The question for India is not how to preserve the old model, but how to architect the new one. If the country relies solely on American platforms to navigate this transition, it risks being stranded on the wrong side of the digital divide when paywalls go up. The alternative is leveraging the crisis to accelerate the buildout of India’s own digital stack, creating an ecosystem where access economics align with population realities, not Silicon Valley shareholder imperatives. The free lunch is over… it is time for India to start cooking its own meal.

  • Brijesh Singh is a senior IPS officer and an author (@brijeshbsingh on X). His latest book on ancient India, “The Cloud Chariot” (Penguin) is out on stands. Views are personal

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