New Delhi: The Congress Party has once again stumbled in the recent Bihar Assembly elections, despite contesting as part of the Grand Alliance (Mahagathbandhan) alongside Tejashwi Yadav’s RJD and several Left parties. Even with ambitious promises and coordinated campaigning, Congress continued its streak of underperformance whenever placed in a direct fight with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). This trend became unmistakably clear in Bihar, where Congress and the BJP clashed in 29 constituencies—but Congress secured victory in only three. The BJP, though battling anti-incumbency sentiments, put up a commanding show, winning 26 out of these 29 seats and decisively outperforming Congress in their head-to-head matchups.
These outcomes further highlight the persistent challenges Congress faces in taking on the BJP electorally. Strong leadership, assertive booth-level strategies, and robust public outreach continue to give the BJP a decisive advantage. The Bihar results reaffirm Congress’s broader struggle to counter its principal rival. Beyond Bihar too, the party has faltered in Delhi, Maharashtra, Haryana, and the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly polls, reflecting a national pattern of electoral setbacks.
Congress managed to win only six of the 61 seats it contested in Bihar this year—a strike rate of roughly 10%, a steep fall from its 2020 performance. Once a powerhouse in the state, the party has now been relegated to the margins, often finishing third or fourth. Its last phase of significant leadership in Bihar dates back to the tenure of Jagannath Mishra, who served as chief minister in 1990. Since then, organisational weakening and leadership gaps have steadily eroded its influence. In the 2020 elections, Congress had won 27 of the 70 seats it contested, achieving a 38% conversion rate. This time, however, its performance dipped even further. While the party placed emphasis on national issues during the campaign, local grievances and region-specific concerns appear to have outweighed its messaging.
Of the six seats Congress won this time, four were from the Seemanchal belt. In Seemanchal, Congress and BJP squared off directly in two constituencies, and Congress emerged victorious in both, while the remaining two victory came in a seat where it faced JDU. Yet, the BJP still dominated the region by bagging eight seats, underscoring its continuing strength there. For context, in the 2020 polls, the BJP also secured eight seats in Seemanchal, while JD(U) won four, Congress five, CPI(ML) and the RJD one each, and AIMIM stunned many by capturing five seats.
Congress managed to secure only one seat in a direct contest with the BJP in Bihar’s West Champaran district, while another victory came in a seat where it faced JD(U). In terms of vote share, Congress garnered around 8.75%, compared to the BJP’s nearly 20.07%.
The Congress’s campaign approach in Bihar again came under scrutiny. After concluding his yatra in August, Rahul Gandhi was largely missing from the campaign and returned to electioneering only on October 29. His absence has become a contentious issue within the party, especially as dissatisfaction grows among party workers over ticket distribution and leadership outreach.
Congress’s strike rate in the 2025 polls stood at just 9.8%, the lowest among all Mahagathbandhan partners, though the CPI(ML) Liberation performed only marginally better at about 10%. This marks a sharp decline from Congress’s strike rate of over 27% in 2020 and more than 22% in 2024. In contrast, the BJP’s strike rate surged dramatically—from around 65% in both 2020 and 2024 to over 90% in the 2025 Bihar Assembly elections. JD(U) also improved significantly, raising its strike rate from 74% in 2024 to more than 82% this year.
Another deeper reason behind Congress’s continued decline is its failure to address weaknesses within its state units. The central leadership often overlooks internal conflicts, organisational inefficiencies, and factionalism at the regional level. This neglect results in demoralised cadres, fragmented leadership structures, and poor grassroots mobilisation. On the other hand, the BJP employs a far more proactive model—its central leadership intervenes quickly whenever issues arise within state units. Senior leaders, including Amit Shah, routinely step in to resolve disputes, reorganise teams, and restore structure. This approach has helped the BJP maintain organisational discipline and cohesion, giving it a clear operational edge over Congress.
Adding to Congress’s troubles, even its allies within the INDIA bloc have begun to question its ability to take on the BJP nationally. Trinamool Congress MP Kalyan Banerjee remarked, “It is evident that the Congress cannot stop the Bharatiya Janata Party. They have tried repeatedly—in various Assembly elections and in the Lok Sabha—but failed. The leadership should go to a party that has consistently defeated the BJP. Only Mamata Banerjee has an unblemished track record against them. The time has come for her to lead the Opposition.”
Notably, the Bihar setback comes just ahead of a string of crucial Assembly elections. Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, Assam, Puducherry, and Kerala will go to polls next year, followed by Goa, Punjab, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, and Gujarat in 2027—contests in which Congress will be under immense pressure to revive its organisation and political relevance.
