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Identity and Security On BJP’s Agenda in Assam

By: NIBIR DEKA
Last Updated: April 5, 2026 02:26:34 IST

GUWAHATI: With just days left before Assam votes on April 9, 2026, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has placed the Uniform Civil Code (UCC), illegal infiltration from Bangladesh, and what it calls “love jihad” and “land jihad” at the core of its campaign. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma and Union Home Minister Amit Shah have repeatedly described these issues as existential threats to Assamese identity, culture, and land.

The party’s Sankalp Patra, released on March 31, promises to implement the UCC within three months of returning to power, excluding Sixth Schedule tribal areas. It also proposes strict laws against “love jihad” and “land jihad,” along with faster eviction and pushback of “ghuspethiyas” (infiltrators).

This narrative is rooted in Assam’s long political history. The 1979–85 Assam Agitation led to the Assam Accord and shaped the state’s politics. According to the 2011 Census, Muslims made up 34.22 per cent of the population, with a decadal growth rate of 29.6 per cent in the previous decade. BJP leaders often cite these figures as proof of infiltration.

At rallies, Shah has drawn a distinction: “We are against infiltrators, not indigenous Muslims (Khilonjiya Muslims),” he said. He has also claimed that the BJP has stopped fresh infiltration and needs five more years to deport those already inside. Sarma has backed this with action, including evictions from over five lakh bighas of land and recent pushbacks of Bangladeshi nationals under the Immigrants (Expulsion from Assam) Act, 1950. The manifesto promises to expand this drive and reclaim all “encroached” land.

These issues are central to the BJP’s electoral strategy. The party is seeking to consolidate its core base of indigenous Assamese Hindus, ethnic communities, and tribal groups, especially in the Brahmaputra Valley and Upper Assam. By promising to protect “civilisation, heritage, and rights”, the BJP is positioning itself as a defender of the 1985 Assam Accord.

The UCC proposal is being presented as both reform and reassurance. Following the state’s 2023 anti-polygamy law, described by him as a “step towards the UCC”, the party is now promoting the code as a measure for gender justice and equality before the law. This message is aimed at women voters, particularly those who have benefited from schemes like Orunodoi. The campaign’s focus on “love jihad” and “land jihad” adds an emotional dimension. The manifesto promises a law to address alleged forced conversions through marriage and organised land encroachment by infiltrators. Critics have called these terms inflammatory. However, in Assam’s polarised political climate, such issues resonate with concerns about interfaith marriages, demographic changes in border districts, and competition for jobs and land.

The opposition faces a complex challenge. Congress and its allies have been accused by BJP of encouraging infiltration to build a vote bank. At the same time, the opposition remains fragmented, with Congress, the AIUDF, and smaller parties contesting separately.

There are risks for BJP. A strong focus on polarisation could alienate moderate voters or sections of indigenous Muslims who feel targeted. Questions also remain over implementation, including disputed deportation figures and incomplete border fencing. For the party, the UCC, infiltration, and the fight against “jihad” are central to its message. The outcome of this strategy will be clear on May 4, when the results are declared.

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