Bihar Governor, Lt. Gen. Syed Ata Hasnain (Retd.), spoke to The Sunday Guardian on India’s neighbourhood, Pakistan’s place in South Asia, the transformation of Bihar’s higher education system, and other key issues.
Soldier, strategist and now Governor of Bihar, Lt Gen (Retd.) Syed Ata Hasnain believes the foundations of India’s future power extend well beyond the battlefield. In this interview with The Sunday Guardian, he discusses strategic anticipation in India’s neighbourhood, Pakistan’s place in South Asia, the transformation of Bihar’s higher education system and why universities, innovation and knowledge will be as critical to national security as military capability in the decades ahead
Q: Recently, you spoke about the importance of understanding India’s neighbourhood beyond conventional diplomacy. My question is less about regime change and more about strategic anticipation. Looking at Bangladesh, India’s relationship with Dhaka before August 2024 appeared to be at its strongest. Yet within months, the political landscape changed dramatically and India’s strategic position became far more uncertain. Should India’s intelligence and diplomatic ecosystem have detected earlier the depth of anti-establishment sentiment, particularly among students and sections of civil society? Were there signals that were underestimated?
A: The first lesson is that no bilateral relationship should ever be judged solely by the strength of governmentto-government ties. States have multiple centres of gravity—political parties, youth, academia, civil society, media and increasingly social media. A relationship that appears stable at the leadership level may sometimes conceal deep societal currents. Whether the precise timing of the events could have been predicted is another matter. Revolutions and mass movements often reach a tipping point unexpectedly; case in point is the Arab Spring and the various Colour Revolutions. The broad indicators—economic pressures, youth dissatisfaction, information campaigns and political polarisation—were probably visible but it’s always assessment based and assessments cannot be spot on. Lots of people perceive intelligence in black and white terms but the availability of information and assessment is always in the grey zone. Strategic anticipation requires constant engagement beyond official channels. The lesson is not one of intelligence failure but of widening the aperture through which we assess our neighbourhood.
Q: You also argued that India should not allow Pakistan to hold regional cooperation hostage and should deepen engagement with the rest of South Asia even if Islamabad remains outside the process. But history shows that whenever Pakistan appears strategically isolated, major powers, particularly the United States, tend to restore its relevance because of changing geopolitical priorities. Does this mean Pakistan can never truly be sidelined?
A: Pakistan’s geography is irreplaceable but its ability to exploit that geography can always be curtailed through linkages, partnerships and tie ups with nations in a way to enhance India’s strategic importance more than that of Pakistan. I think the government has been able to build that up but it’s always an ongoing exercise, a work in progress. Pakistan’s strategic relevance has often been shaped as much by external powers as by its own capabilities. During the Cold War, after 9/11 and during the Afghanistan campaign, major powers found reasons to re-engage Pakistan despite its internal weaknesses. India cannot control how others perceive Pakistan. What it can control is the extent to which Pakistan influences India’s own regional strategy. The more India builds connectivity, trade, digital integration and developmental partnerships with willing neighbours, the less Pakistan can obstruct regional progress. Strategic success lies not in ensuring Pakistan’s isolation but in reducing its capacity to veto India’s regional ambitions.
Q: Should India’s objective be to isolate Pakistan, or to make Pakistan strategically irrelevant to the success of India’s regional vision? Those are two very different goals. Which one should guide India’s foreign policy?
A: The second objective is both more realistic and more sustainable. Diplomacy should not be driven by the desire to isolate another country. It should be driven by advancing one’s own national interests. If India’s economy grows, its connectivity projects succeed, its partnerships deepen and South Asia increasingly integrates around development, Pakistan’s obstruction automatically becomes less consequential. The measure of success is therefore not Pakistan’s isolation but India’s ability to move forward regardless of Pakistan’s choices.
Q: When you assumed office, you spoke about transforming Bihar’s higher education system. A few months into your tenure, what are the three biggest structural problems you have identified, and what concrete reforms have you initiated to address them?
A: Three issues stand out. First, governance. Decision-making has often been slow, fragmented and insufficiently accountable. Second, academic quality. There is an urgent need to strengthen teaching standards, research culture and faculty development. Third, implementation. Many good policies already exist but are not executed consistently across universities. Accordingly, we have begun strengthening institutional governance, accelerating appointments, reviewing statutes and regulations, encouraging technology-enabled administration and working towards a new Higher Education Act that provides greater clarity, autonomy and accountability. Our objective is systemic reform rather than isolated improvements.
Q: Meaningful reforms inevitably challenge entrenched interests. Where have you encountered the greatest resistance to your efforts. Within the bureaucracy, university administrations, academia, or elsewhere? How do you intend to overcome that resistance?
A: Any meaningful reform affects established systems and therefore naturally encounters resistance. I prefer not to personalise that resistance. What I have found is that institutions often resist change because of uncertainty rather than opposition. The answer is consultation, transparency and consistency. When stakeholders understand that reforms seek to strengthen institutions rather than individuals, support gradually increases. Ultimately, sustainable reform cannot depend on personalities. It must become embedded in institutional processes that continue irrespective of who occupies office. I will never try and bulldoze on policy; we have to sound convincing and urge people to change. Better understanding between the Lok Bhavan and the government is already evident. We have constituted an excellent team at Lok Bhavan to work on implementing various issues which have lacked so far. For example, the Samarth portal which helped digitalise management, was being hugely resisted due to embedded vested interests. We have been able to weed these out.
Q: You have spoken about “The Nalanda Approach” and argued that knowledge itself is becoming a source of national power. Beyond its historical significance, how can Nalanda become a strategic instrument of India’s diplomacy, particularly with Central Asia, Southeast Asia and the Global South?
A: Historically, Nalanda attracted scholars from across Asia not through coercion but through intellectual excellence. That remains its greatest lesson. Today, the Nalanda Approach means using education, research, innovation and civilisational dialogue as instruments of international engagement. Through academic exchanges, joint research, technology partnerships and cultural connectivity, India can build enduring relationships with Central Asia, Southeast Asia and the Global South. Knowledge creates trust, trust creates partnerships and partnerships strengthen national influence. In the twenty-first century, intellectual leadership is itself an element of strategic power.
Q: Bihar has consistently produced exceptional talent, yet many of its brightest students leave the state for higher education and employment. What would have to change for Bihar to become a destination where talented young people choose to study, innovate and build their careers?
A: Young people do not merely seek degrees; they seek opportunity. Bihar must provide quality universities, vibrant research ecosystems, industry partnerships, innovation hubs, start-up support and predictable governance. Students should feel they can receive world-class education and meaningful career opportunities without necessarily leaving the state. Our objective is not to prevent mobility. Students should always have the freedom to study anywhere. The real success will be when many choose to remain—or return—because Bihar offers comparable opportunities.
Q: When your tenure as Governor comes to an end, what measurable outcomes would convince you that Bihar’s higher education system has genuinely improved? Would you judge success by research output, employability, global partnerships, institutional governance, rankings, or some other benchmark?
A: Rankings matter, but they are outcomes rather than objectives. I would measure success through several indicators: timely academic sessions and examinations, improved faculty quality, stronger research output, better governance, greater employability, increased industry collaboration, enhanced international partnerships and higher student satisfaction. Above all, success will be evident when universities regain public confidence and become institutions that students and parents actively aspire to join.
Q: You have spent most of your career strengthening India’s military preparedness. Today, your focus is on universities and education. Has this experience reinforced your belief that in the twenty-first century, India’s long-term national security will depend as much on the strength of its classrooms, research institutions and knowledge ecosystem as on its armed forces?
A: My years in uniform taught me that military power protects a nation’s sovereignty. My present responsibilities have reinforced an equally important truth—that long-term national power rests upon education, innovation and knowledge. The strongest armed forces ultimately depend upon strong universities—for scientists, engineers, strategists, technologists, administrators and informed citizens. Economic competitiveness, technological leadership and social cohesion all begin in classrooms and research laboratories. National security today is no longer defined solely by the strength of our borders. It is equally defined by the strength of our minds. If India is to emerge as a leading power in this century, it must invest as seriously in its knowledge ecosystem as it does in its military capabilities.
