BJP’s Delhi victory, after 27 years, resulted from cultural outreach and grassroots efforts by Pawan Rana and Santosh Ojha, among others.
NEW DELHI: Behind the Bharatiya Janata Party’s victory in Delhi Assembly elections, which came after a 27-year gap, lies a story of deep cultural connection, meticulous grassroots mobilisation, and the relentless efforts of two men from the organisation—Pawan Rana and Santosh Ojha—who, along with other party functionaries and leaders, orchestrated BJP’s resurgence from behind the scenes.
The difference was that both Rana, who hails from Himachal Pradesh, and Ojha, a native of Bihar, worked silently, away from the spotlight.
Pawan Rana, the party’s organisational general secretary who was brought to Delhi in April 2023, played a crucial role in BJP’s electoral strategy by ensuring that every prominent leader was responsible for polling booths in their constituencies. This was a difficult task, given that most of the party leaders in Delhi considered themselves to be ‘big’ leaders. Yet, Rana, backed by support from Union Home Minister Amit Shah, made it clear that every leader, no matter how prominent, would be held accountable for the votes secured at the booths in their respective areas of influence. This led to top leaders becoming active on the ground, something that had not happened in previous elections.
Rana mandated a meticulous booth-wise analysis focusing on the caste and religious composition of the voters and fixed accountability for these analyses at every level. This data and analysis became the backbone for subsequent tailored election campaigns, where resources were allocated according to specific needs rather than uniformly across all seats.
Staying away from the spotlight, Rana spearheaded the Jhuggi Vistarak Abhiyan, expanding BJP’s outreach in slum areas and initiating targeted programmes in Dalit-majority constituencies. His micromanagement was methodical—leaders and workers from other states were strategically brought into Scheduled Caste-dominated constituencies to better understand local caste dynamics. Women’s issues were also addressed through dedicated outreach initiatives, ensuring that the party’s message resonated deeply across different voter groups.
Meanwhile, Santosh Ojha, who took charge of BJP’s Purvanchal Morcha in August 2024 after the premature removal of Neeraj Tiwari, focused on mobilising Purvanchali voters by invoking their deep-rooted cultural and historical identity.
Understanding the emotional struggles of migration, Ojha and his team crafted a campaign rooted in cultural pride rather than aggressive rhetoric. They reminded the 30-35% Purvanchali voters about the rich legacy of Chanakya, Chandragupta Maurya, Nalanda University, Lord Mahavir, Guru Gobind Singh, Lord Ram of Ayodhya, Bismillah Khan, and Veer Kunwar Singh. They assured them that they were not ‘weak’ or ‘dependent’ simply because they were receiving doles or favours from AAP leaders in exchange for their votes.
His team ensured that 256 mandals across Delhi received essential ‘puja samagri’ during Chhath, the most sacred festival for Purvanchalis. Over 500 Chhath Puja committees were directly engaged, transforming BJP from a distant political entity into an active partner in the community. Beyond religious logistics, Chhath ghats were cleaned, cultural performances were curated with support from the Ministry of Culture, and Ojha’s lobbying efforts resulted in the Lieutenant Governor declaring Chhath a public holiday in Delhi—a move that struck a deep emotional chord with Purvanchali voters.
Similarly, his team ensured that AAP MLAs were not given the power to allocate funds for Chhath; instead, the responsibility was given to the local District Magistrate, who followed well-laid guidelines to ensure that funds were not released based on political affiliations.
Ojha’s leadership emphasised engagement over mere outreach. More than 10,000 community meetings were held under the Purvanchal Samaj Samvad initiative, ensuring that every concern—from employment to cultural recognition—was acknowledged. At over 200 ‘Litti Chokha Samvads,’ political discussions were seamlessly woven into cultural conversations, making BJP’s outreach feel personal and genuine. Under his guidance, BJP’s messaging was simple yet powerful—”Main Purvanchali, BJP ke saath” (I am a Purvanchali, with BJP). This slogan resonated across Purvanchali-dominated areas, making voters from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Jharkhand feel respected and seen.
When Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) Chief Arvind Kejriwal’s offhand remark allegedly dismissing Purvanchali voters as “fake voters” ignited widespread anger, Ojha responded by leading a massive, peaceful protest. He framed the remark not as a political insult but as an affront to every migrant who had built Delhi brick by brick.
The fact that only five Purvanchalis were given tickets by the BJP had caused resentment among the community. However, Ojha personally reached out to social groups to pacify frustrations and reinforce BJP’s commitment to Purvanchalis. His efforts were further supported by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s rally in RK Puram (on February 2, which was his last rally in the Delhi campaign), where he reminded voters that he himself was an MP from Purvanchal (Varanasi). Additionally, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman’s pro-Bihar announcement bolstered BJP’s appeal among Purvanchali voters, further strengthening their allegiance to the party.
The end results reflected the impact of this silent but transformative campaign. Out of 27 Assembly seats with a significant Purvanchali population, BJP won 19, while the AAP could only retain 8. This shift was particularly striking, given that in the 2020 elections, AAP had dominated these very constituencies, winning 22 out of 27 seats. The combination of Rana’s meticulous electoral management and Ojha’s cultural outreach turned these seats into the heart of BJP’s comeback.