China’s public sphere is being reshaped by the quiet removal of feminist, labour and community activists, leaving civic grievances fragmented and leaderless.
The Missing Voices: How Feminist and Labour Activists Are Squeezed Out of China’s Public Sphere (Photo: File)
China’s management of civic expression is often framed in terms of police presence, digital censorship or legal ambiguity. Yet an equally important part of this landscape is defined by who never appears in public at all. Among the most conspicuous absences are feminist organisers, labour advocates and community-level activists who once formed part of China’s scattered civil society. Their gradual removal from the public sphere has reshaped the country’s protest ecosystem long before any gathering is broken up on the street.
The disappearance of these voices is not abrupt. It has unfolded through a steady pattern of administrative pressure, digital intimidation and targeted detentions. By the time a civic incident emerges — whether sparked by social frustration or local governance grievances — the groups most capable of organising collective action have already been weakened or pushed into silence.
Feminist activism in China has long existed under constraints, but recent years have seen sharper limits. Online discussions about workplace harassment, privacy violations or abuse gain traction, only to be met with content removal, account suspensions or labelling of discussions as “socially disruptive”. The uproar over hidden-camera incidents and deepfake abuse exposed the lack of institutional protection for women, yet public debate around it was contained quickly.
These experiences reinforce a message that rights-based discourse is unwelcome, even when it does not explicitly challenge state authority. Women who try to organise around issues of safety or dignity often find themselves navigating a digital environment where their posts disappear and their groups are quietly dismantled. Over time, this leads to a quieter but deeper retreat from public life.
Labour activism in China once operated through small community groups, legal aid centres and student volunteers who supported workers in disputes. Most have since been shut down or absorbed into state structures. Authorities frame independent labour activity as “illegal” or “unregistered”, leaving organisers vulnerable to detention.
As factories and service-sector jobs face growing pressures — automation, wage delays, and changing labour contracts — workers lack independent bodies to articulate grievances. Even discussions about unsafe working conditions or unpaid wages are discouraged from taking shape outside approved channels.
The result is a labour force that feels the economic stresses of rapid development but has little space to express dissatisfaction collectively.
In any society, organised civic expression depends on individuals and groups who have the networks and confidence to mobilise others. In China, these connectors have been steadily targeted. Without feminist organisers, women’s voices are fragmented. Without labour groups, workers remain isolated. Without community organisers, neighbourhood frustrations rarely develop into structured action.
This fragmentation benefits the state’s preference for order. When a moment of public frustration arises — as seen during the 2022 demonstrations in Shanghai — those who might once have helped coordinate peaceful expression are either absent or unwilling to take risks. The gatherings that do emerge are spontaneous, leaderless and easier to disperse.
The consequences are personal as much as political. Many advocates describe living in a state of suspended caution. Activities that were once routine — hosting a meeting, sharing articles, or guiding workers through legal processes — now attract scrutiny. Some have moved abroad; others remain but avoid speaking publicly.
This shift does not eliminate social concern. It pushes it inward, into private conversations and closed circles, reducing public articulation of problems that exist in daily life. For the broader society, this means fewer opportunities for constructive civic engagement and fewer channels through which grievances can be resolved peacefully.
China’s approach to managing dissent is often examined through dramatic moments. But its more enduring impact lies in the gradual silencing of groups that give structure to public expression. When feminist and labour activists are pressured into retreat, society loses both its conscience and its capacity for collective action.
Shanghai’s tightly controlled environment is a reminder that the absence of visible protest does not necessarily signal contentment. It may simply reflect the systematic erosion of the very voices that once had the courage to speak. In the long term, this absence shapes the public sphere more profoundly than any single crackdown.
(Aritra Banerjee is a columnist specialising in Defence, Strategic Affairs, and Indo-Pacific geopolitics. He is the co-author of The Indian Navy @75: Reminiscing the Voyage. Having spent his formative years in the United States before returning to India, he brings a global outlook and first-hand insight to his reporting from foreign assignments and internal security environments such as Kashmir. He holds a Master’s in International Relations, Security & Strategy from O.P. Jindal Global University, a Bachelor’s in Mass Media from the University of Mumbai, and Professional Education in Strategic Communications from King’s College London (King’s Institute for Applied Security Studies).
