Prime Minister Narendra Modi, as part of his strategic approach, has presented a decisive decision mandating 33 percent compulsory participation of women in Parliament and state legislatures—effectively preparing the ground for women’s dominance in positions of power. From Parliament to the state assemblies, if not directly then through various pretexts, arguments, and legal manoeuvres, certain political parties and their leaders are expected to attempt to create obstacles in the passage and implementation of the new law.
In Parliament, the Modi government, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party alliance, commands sufficient strength. After its passage in Parliament in April, the BJP-led coalition also holds majorities in 19 state assemblies. Constitutionally, the law can come into effect once ratified by 50 percent of the 28 states. Its implementation would mark a new golden chapter in the democratic history of the world.
Even at the time of framing the Constitution, the idea had surfaced that, like reservations for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, legislative bodies should also provide reservation for women’s representation. However, a woman freedom fighter opposed the proposal on the grounds that it should not imply that women participated in the freedom movement merely to claim power. Consequently, the Constitution did not incorporate such a provision. Discussions on this issue continued for nearly 70 years.
Democracy is not confined to voting alone; it rests upon equality of representation. If half of society—women—are not adequately present in decision-making institutions, democracy remains incomplete. At the global level today, women’s participation in parliaments stands at approximately 27 percent, meaning that only one out of every four parliamentarians worldwide is a woman. In absolute numbers, more than 11,500 women serve as members of parliament across the world, compared to a total of over 40,000 parliamentarians.
Around three decades ago, there were approximately 4,000 women parliamentarians worldwide (11 percent), whereas by 2025 the figure has risen to over 11,500 (27 percent). In three decades, the number has nearly tripled, yet parity remains distant. In the United States, of the 535 members in both chambers combined, roughly 150 are women. In the United Kingdom, out of 1,430 members in the House of Commons and House of Lords combined, 455 are women—approximately 35 percent. In France, 335 of 925 parliamentarians are women. In Germany, 285 of 805 members are women. By contrast, despite its modern image, Japan has only 105 women among 713 parliamentarians. Similarly, in India, of the 788 members in both Houses of Parliament, only about 245 are women. Thus, in Japan and India, women constitute roughly 15 percent, even though women voters account for nearly 50 percent of the electorate. The reasons for underrepresentation have long been cited as political parties granting fewer tickets to women, social barriers, and concerns relating to security and political violence.
Out of approximately 788 Members of Parliament in India, only about 110 are women. This figure is not only below the global average but also falls short of democratic ideals. The Women’s Reservation Bill remained pending for years. It was first introduced in Parliament in 1996. Ultimately, in a new form, it became law in 2023. Thus, the legislation remained pending for nearly 27 years. The bill was introduced six to eight times in Parliament but stalled each time. In 1996 it was introduced for the first time but lapsed with the dissolution of the Lok Sabha. In 1998 it was reintroduced but not passed. In 1999, 2002, and 2003 it continued to stall. In 2008 it was introduced in the Rajya Sabha and passed there in 2010, but it was not passed in the Lok Sabha. Coalition partners of the Congress demanded sub-quotas within women’s reservation based on caste lines. Parties led by leaders such as Lalu Prasad Yadav and Mulayam Singh Yadav effectively applied the brakes to the legislation. After the Modi government assumed office, the bill was finally passed by both Houses in 2023 and became law. However, its implementation was linked to the delimitation process following the census, and therefore it was not enforced immediately. Now, instead of waiting for a fresh census, the Modi government has decided to implement 33 percent reservation based on the 2011 population data.
The foundation for this move lies in the successful role played by women representatives in village panchayats across the country. In states such as Gujarat and Maharashtra, women have played significant roles in rural development and reform programmes. In 1992, through a constitutional amendment, a provision for 33 percent reservation for women in panchayats was introduced. Later, in 2006, the government led by Nitish Kumar in Bihar provided for 50 percent reservation for women in panchayats. Subsequently, more than 20 states adopted 50 percent reservation. The central government has been honouring highly successful women sarpanches. In recent years, women have contributed significantly to sanitation drives, construction of toilets, children’s education, healthcare facilities, and related initiatives in villages. Particularly in tribal areas, transformative changes have been witnessed.
After moving from Gujarat to the Centre, Prime Minister Narendra Modi consistently implemented numerous programmes aimed at women’s welfare, socio-economic empowerment, and access to facilities, earning substantial popularity among women voters. The Nari Shakti Vandan Act, 2023, provides for 33 percent reservation.
If implemented properly, the number of women in the Lok Sabha would increase from 74 to 181—marking the largest transformation in the history of Indian democracy. After the law comes into force, one out of every three Members of Parliament will be a woman. Policy formulation will undergo change. Democracy will be complete only when Parliament reflects the real composition of society. Only when half the population receives proportionate representation can India truly be called an inclusive democracy. Similarly, in state legislative assemblies, by average estimates, out of 4,120 members, around 1,360 would be women. However, the Congress and other opposition parties appear most troubled by the fact that credit for this transformative step will go to the ruling party. The Bharatiya Janata Party could reap electoral benefits in the 2029 Lok Sabha elections and subsequent assembly polls. Furthermore, leaders rooted in feudal, caste-driven, or orthodox ideologies are also discomforted by the prospect of women’s ascendancy in positions of authority.
