By this move the Bharatiya Janata Party has chosen to breach the 50% cap on reservations set by the Supreme Court.
Cheerleaders of the Narendra Modi government are hailing the quota decision on expected lines—a masterstroke, game-changer, etc. Similar things were said about the programmes like Ayushman Bharat and Ujjwala. There seem to be many game-changers that our Prime Minister has up his sleeve.
What political grandees have failed to appreciate is the fact that reservations have always been the favourite arena of casteist parties and politicians. The moment a national party decides to fight in this arena, it enters a dangerous territory. This was the reason that the Congress government let the Mandal Commission report gather dust for a decade.
By this move the Bharatiya Janata Party has chosen to breach the 50% cap on reservations set by the Supreme Court. Till the government’s decision, Scheduled Castes had 15% quota, Scheduled Tribes 7.5%, and Other Backward Classes (OBCs) 27%. Now, 59.5% seats would be reserved.
It’s true that the BJP regime has offered 10% reservation in government jobs and educational institutions to the “economically weaker sections” in the general category. In practice it translates into reservation for the poor among the so-called upper castes. The government has defined “economically weak” as those who have: an annual income lower than Rs 8 lakh; landholding less than 5 acres; residential house below 1,000 square feet; residential plot not over 100 square yards in a notified municipality and less than 200 square yards in non-notified areas.
The Times of India reported (8 January) that these criteria bring as many as 95% people within the bailiwick of quotas, as about 127 crore Indians earn less Rs 8 lakh a year. Besides, around 86% land holdings are below 5 acres and 80% of houses are smaller than 500 sq ft. A benefit which is for practically all cannot be peddled as a special benefit for a section.
Besides, by indulging in quota politics, the BJP is entering choppy waters. It is a national and nationalist party; its rise has been premised upon the unity of the majority community. The earlier leadership was aware of this fact; this was the reason that L.K. Advani launched the historic Rath Yatra for a Ram temple in the wake of former Prime Minister V.P. Singh’s Mandal gambit. Ironically, the present BJP leadership is trying to propitiate the progeny of the V.P. Singh era.
A reason that the BJP performed exceedingly well in 2014 was that the Modi wave had swept caste politics away; this was also reflected in the number of seats that caste-based parties got in the general election. By getting into the quota business, the saffron party may give a fillip to caste politics.
Consider Samajwadi Party leader Ram Gopal Yadav’s demand for 54% quota for OBCs. His argument is simple: if the government itself violates the 50% barrier on reservations set by the Supreme Court, why should OBCs be deprived of their due share? “But when you have broken the barrier of 50% as set by the Supreme Court, I request that OBCs should be given 54% reservation as per their population as opposed to 27% now. Also, the population of Scheduled Castes is also now 25% and they should be given reservation accordingly,” he said in the Rajya Sabha during a debate on the Constitution (124th Amendment) Bill, 2019, which was passed in both the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha later
The Supreme Court-mandated 50% cap was generally accepted by all parties as a compromise between merit and social justice, though caste-based parties were not very happy with it. Now, their voices will become more assertive, as evident from Yadav’s speech. Further, such communities as Jats and Gurjars will revive their demands. And then there will be pleas from the Muslim community. In a nutshell, a Pandora’s Box may have been created by legislating in favour of 10% reservations for economically weaker sections. Of course, it may help a little. But only a little.