Character of warfare: Strategic outcomes without occupation

By: Lt Gen Syed ATA Hasnain (retd)
Last Updated: June 14, 2026 03:42:59 IST

Why modern states increasingly seek strategic outcomes without territorial control

Contemporary conflicts from Ukraine to the Persian Gulf suggest a subtle but important shift in the character of warfare. While territory remains important, states are increasingly seeking strategic effects through reach, coercion and influence rather than through prolonged occupation. The trend is far from universal, but it may represent one of the least discussed transformations in modern conflict.

The historical logic of occupation

For most of recorded history, military success was closely associated with territorial occupation. Armies marched, seized ground, occupied capitals and imposed political outcomes through physical control. From the Roman legions to Napoleon’s campaigns, and from colonial expansion to the Second World War, territory was both the objective and the measure of victory.

The logic was straightforward. To influence the behaviour of a state or a people, one had to control their land, resources and institutions. Strategic distance was a limitation. Military power diminished with geography.

Yet contemporary conflicts increasingly suggest a different trend. States are seeking strategic effects without necessarily seeking territorial control. Through long-range precision strike drones, cyber operations, economic coercion, proxy warfare and information campaigns, adversaries are attempting to shape outcomes while avoiding the burdens of prolonged occupation. The objective remains unchanged. The methods appear to be evolving.

The Rising Cost of Control

One reason for this shift lies in the changing cost-benefit equation of occupation itself.

The experiences of the Soviet Union in Afghanistan and later those of the US in Iraq and Afghanistan demonstrated that military superiority does not automatically translate into sustainable political control. Modern militaries can often seize territory with remarkable speed. Holding and administering it against determined resistance is a far more demanding task.

Occupation today attracts immediate international scrutiny, continuous media attention and often prolonged resistance. The financial costs are enormous. The political costs can be even greater. Military success may therefore become the beginning of a larger strategic burden rather than the conclusion of a campaign.

The lesson has not been lost on strategic planners. The twenty-first century has repeatedly shown that occupying territory and controlling outcomes are not always synonymous.

At the same time, technology has dramatically expanded the ability to project power over distance.

Precision-guided munitions, long-range missiles, drones, cyber capabilities, satellite surveillance and artificial intelligence have created opportunities to influence events far beyond national borders without requiring large-scale military presence on the ground.

States can now impose costs, disrupt infrastructure, degrade military capability and influence decision-making while remaining geographically distant from the target. In many situations, the objective is no longer conquest but coercion. The aim is to shape behaviour rather than administer territory.

The war in Ukraine has demonstrated the growing importance of deep precision strike. Both sides routinely target military, industrial and energy infrastructure hundreds of kilometres beyond the frontline. Strategic effects are increasingly sought through reach rather than battlefield manoeuvre alone.

The evolving confrontation between Israel and Iran offers another illustration. Despite intense military exchanges, neither side seeks territorial occupation of the other. The contest revolves around deterrence, signalling, strategic influence and the ability to impose costs from a distance.

The economics of modern conflict

Recent developments in the Persian Gulf further illuminate this trend.

Military history repeatedly demonstrates that deploying and sustaining troops in foreign territory remains among the most expensive, politically sensitive and militarily risky forms of warfare. Expeditionary operations demand vast logistical support, sustained political commitment and prolonged exposure to uncertainty.

Smaller and weaker adversaries understand this reality well. Once the troops of a stronger power are committed on the ground, they become vulnerable to attrition, insurgency, political pressure and strategic exhaustion. Afghanistan and Iraq illustrated how quickly tactical success can evolve into long-term strategic burden.

Consequently, military planners increasingly seek alternatives. Drones, long-range missiles, cyber operations, space-based surveillance and precision-guided munitions offer opportunities to achieve strategic effects without assuming the liabilities associated with occupation.

The side that can see more, hear more and understand more about an adversary’s activities often acquires a significant advantage without placing large numbers of troops at risk. Intelligence, surveillance and precision strike increasingly compete with physical presence as instruments of power.

The Houthi campaign in the Red Sea provides a striking example. Through relatively inexpensive drones and missiles, a regional actor has managed to affect global maritime commerce far beyond the territory under its control. Strategic reach has exceeded geographical footprint.

geography still matters

Yet it would be premature to conclude that territory has lost its significance.

The Indian experience offers an important corrective to theories that suggest future wars can be fought entirely from a distance.

Along the Line of Control, strategic distance cannot substitute for physical presence. The sanctity of the line rests upon occupation, observation and control of ground. Technology assists the defender, but it cannot replace the soldier on the post. Drones may observe, sensors may detect and long-range weapons may strike, but ultimately the defence of territory still depends upon men and women physically holding it.

The Indian Army’s operational philosophy has long recognised the political and psychological significance of territory. This was evident during the 1965 war when Lieutenant General Harbaksh Singh, then General Officer Commanding-in-Chief Western Command, reportedly resisted suggestions that involved yielding territory in Punjab, even for tactical reasons. His conviction was simple: territory under his responsibility would not be surrendered. The subsequent success at Khem Karan and Asal Uttar vindicated that confidence.

This underscores a broader point: the value of territory often transcends a single battle. Territory, particularly where sovereignty and borders are contested, carries significance that cannot be measured purely in military terms.

Siachen provides perhaps the clearest contemporary example. The glacier occupies terrain of enduring strategic value and contributes to preventing any seamless physical linkage across sensitive portions of the Karakoram region. More importantly, ground once vacated in such terrain may prove extraordinarily difficult and costly to regain. Reoccupation would demand significant expenditure of lives, logistics and military effort.

Technology can assist surveillance and situational awareness, but it cannot fully substitute for the strategic assurance that comes from physical control of key ground.

a new strategic preference

The emerging trend, therefore, is not the end of territorial warfare but the rise of a new strategic preference.

Wherever possible, states increasingly seek to achieve strategic objectives without assuming the costs and liabilities of prolonged occupation. Technology has made such approaches feasible, while recent history has highlighted the difficulties of governing unwilling populations.

The result is a changing character of conflict in which influence, coercion, disruption and deterrence are often pursued through stand-off capabilities rather than physical presence.

History cautions against declaring the arrival of any permanent model of warfare. Geography, sovereignty and national interest will continue to demand the occupation and defence of ground in many situations. Yet the evidence from Ukraine, the Middle East and the Indo-Pacific suggests that military power is increasingly being exercised through reach rather than occupation and through strategic effects rather than territorial acquisition.

The age-old quest for political outcomes remains unchanged. What is changing is the manner in which states seek to achieve them. The wars of the future may still require soldiers to seize and defend critical ground. But wherever possible, nations are likely to seek influence before occupation, coercion before control and strategic effects before territorial conquest. That may prove to be one of the defining characteristics of modern warfare.

  • The writer is Governor Bihar and Former Commander of the Indian Army’s Srinagar based Chinar Corps

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