To aspire and strive to be Viksit Bharat by 2047 is a noble vision. We all must contribute in our own ways to achieve this ambitious goal. But shouldn’t we pledge that this Viksit Bharat will have no trace of untouchability, practised in over 13,000 villages today?
The celebrations all over the country on April 14th marking the135th birthday of Dr B.R. Ambedkar were arguably the most elaborate and perhaps best attended. Political leaders belonging to the ruling parties as well the Opposition queued up in discipline to pay floral tribute to him. For a change, cutting across party lines, they saluted a Dalit leader, who in his life, in spite of his intellectual brilliance, vast legal knowledge and enviable degrees from prestigious American and British universities, had to endure unbelievable indignities, injustices and discrimination. This public display of reverence and outpouring of unbridled admiration captured on thousands of TV cameras seemed surreal. If Baba Saheb were watching the ceremonies from above, he wouldn’t believe that these were for him.
He couldn’t imagine that it’s the same country where when he arrived at Bombay Victoria terminus armed with two doctorate degrees in a coat and tie, none will take him to his village because his name revealed that he was a Mahar. Even a bullock cart driver who agreed to take him on the station master’s recommendation and for a much higher amount, would wait till sunset so that Ambedkar’s shadow wouldn’t pollute him; besides, he would simply walk in front the cart while Ambedkar and his brother would drive the cart. Both went thirsty on the onerous route as none—no temple, no mosque and no shop—would offer them water because of their caste. Later, in Bombay, none would rent him any place to live; so, he had to hide his real name and get a room pretending to be a Parsi. But the old Parsi landlady threw him out in rage when she found out from his mail that he wasn’t a Parsi. There was no end to his ordeal and repeated humiliation; in his office, none would give him files and documents in his hand but put them on the floor.
His health deteriorated drastically on account of the long hours he put in drafting the Constitution.
His valiant efforts for getting the Hindu Code Bill in its original form, a pioneering proposal which envisaged for Hindu women the right to inherit property, initiate divorce proceedings and manage her finances passed in Parliament (October 1948), met with stiff resistance from conservative Congress leaders including the first President of India. He was deeply disappointed when the Bill couldn’t be passed even in its truncated form except for a minor provision for marriage and divorce clause in spite of the support from Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. In a way, he felt betrayed by the Prime Minister though Nehru felt otherwise. Eventually, a frustrated Ambedkar resigned as the Law Minister on 27 September 1951. Unfortunately, he refused to make his departing speech in Parliament, upset by the conduct of the Deputy Speaker.
Notwithstanding his proven credentials and unshaken commitment to fight for the empowerment of the downtrodden, Ambedkar’s political detractors saw to it that he was never elected to the Lok Sabha again.
His disenchantment with Hindu religion grew sharper since he wrote his famous essay, “Annihilation of Caste” in 1936. Shashi Tharoor writes in his book, “Ambedkar a Life”: Ambedkar had been convinced that he would have to leave Hinduism in quest of a fair deal for his people, and the unsavoury behaviour of Hindu traditionalists over the Hindu Code Bill convinced him that there was no hope of meaningful social reform from that quarter.” He embraced Buddhism on 14 October 1956, with thousands of his followers in Nagpur with an emotional speech, “By discarding my ancient religion, which stood for inequality and oppression, today, I am reborn.” He declared, “I will discard the caste system and spread equality among human beings. I will strictly follow the eightfold path of the Buddha. Buddhism is a true religion and I will be guided by the three principles of knowledge, right path and compassion.”
His effigies were burnt and his shava-yatras were carried out in several cities by some Hindu organisations. The outrage against Ambedkar continued much after his death. Arun Shourie, a minister in A.B. Vajpayee’s cabinet and former editor of the Indian Express, in his gargantuan, “Worshipping False Gods”, not only questioned Ambedkar’s patriotism, but put question marks against his contribution to the drafting of the Indian Constitution. It was gratifying that veteran leaders like Madhu Limaye and Chandra Shekhar stood up for Ambedkar and acknowledged his enormous contribution.
Today states compete in installing statues of Baba Saheb and publicise extensively their achievements in the implementation of their schemes for the welfare and empowerment of the Dalits. Yes, hundreds of people centric policies and decision taken by the government headed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi have benefited millions of Dalits. No wonder, BJP’s vote share among the Dalit communities has risen significantly, while BSP supremo Mayawati’s influence on the electoral outcome of UP has witnessed a sharp decline. If implemented in letter and spirit and without any prejudice and bias, “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas chalein Saath Saath” can transform the fate of the Dalits for the better.
Hardnosed political analysts believe that today’s much hyped, much touted and much splashed reverence and adulation for Dr Ambedkar is driven by the sole goal: to elicit the support of Dalit voters in elections. Isn’t this an acceptance that even 70 years after his death, none can challenge Ambedkar’s messianic hold on the psyche of the Dalt Samaj in India?
Delivering a lecture at the IIC some years back, well known historian Ramachandra Guha said that while the influence and impact of historic figures like Gandhi, Churchill, Mao, Nehru diminished significantly after their death, Ambedkar was an exception; his clout and influence today is ten times larger than when he was alive.
To aspire and strive to be Viksit Bharat by 2047 is a noble vision. We all must contribute in our own ways to achieve this ambitious goal. But shouldn’t we pledge that this Viksit Bharat will have no trace of untouchability (practised in over 13,000 villages today), Dalits will not be banned from entering temples, every 15 minutes a Dalit woman will not be raped as it happens today, thousands of Dalits will not be attacked and assaulted (NCRB records mention over 45,000 attacks on Dalits every year; actual figure might be four times higher), Dalit students in medical colleges, IITs and universities won’t be discriminated routinely? If we could ensure this, Baba Saheb will bless from wherever he might be.
Contrary to the false assertions by many, Ambedkar dreamt of a united India. As early as in August 1946 he asserted, “I am convinced that given time and circumstances, nothing in the world will prevent this country from becoming one. And, with all our castes and creeds, I have not the slightest hesitation in saying that we shall in future be a united people.”
* Surendra Kumar is a former ambassador of India.