India and Russia try to reinvent the partnership

By: Shishir Priyadarsh
Last Updated: May 31, 2026 04:15:17 IST

India and Russia seek future relevance through technology, energy, 
connectivity, and resilient strategic economic cooperation

For decades, India and Russia shared one of the world’s most stable strategic partnerships. It survived wars, ideological upheavals, sanctions, regime changes, and shifting global power equations. At critical moments in India’s post-independence history, Moscow stood by New Delhi politically, militarily, and technologically. Yet history alone cannot sustain a partnership indefinitely.

The central challenge before India and Russia today is not whether the relationship matters—it clearly does. The challenge is whether the partnership can reinvent itself for a radically transformed world order shaped by technological rivalry, fragmented globalization, energy insecurity, supply-chain politics, sanctions regimes, artificial intelligence, and the weaponization of finance.

The future of India–Russia relations will depend not on commemorating old trust, but on operationalizing new relevance.

From Sentiment to Strategy

India and Russia often describe their relationship as a “special and privileged strategic partnership.” The phrase reflects genuine political comfort built over decades. But strategic partnerships cannot survive on diplomatic vocabulary alone. They require contemporary purpose.

For too long, the relationship has remained disproportionately dependent on defence cooperation. Defence remains indispensable, but it can no longer be the sole anchor of bilateral ties. A 21st-century strategic partnership must be broader, deeper, and economically consequential.

The uncomfortable reality is that despite political warmth, bilateral economic engagement remains far below potential. Trade has grown, especially after the Ukraine conflict and Western sanctions on Russia, but much of it remains commodity-driven, transactional, and asymmetrical. A mature strategic partnership cannot be sustained merely through discounted oil purchases and legacy military contracts.

The next phase must focus on co-development, co-production, technological collaboration, and institutional integration.

A Changing geopolitical landscape

The international system is entering an era of hardened geopolitical blocs, technology restrictions, supply-chain fragmentation, and strategic distrust. In such an environment, India and Russia continue to retain strong incentives to engage with one another.

India values strategic autonomy and resists alliance structures that limit policy flexibility. Russia, facing unprecedented Western isolation, is accelerating its strategic pivot towards Asia. This creates space for convergence. But convergence should not be confused with dependency.

India’s expanding ties with the United States and Europe are a geopolitical reality. Equally, Russia’s growing proximity to China is another reality. Neither side should pretend otherwise. The maturity of the India–Russia relationship will be tested precisely by whether it can survive these parallel alignments without insecurity or strategic anxiety. The objective should not be exclusivity. It should be resilience.

Technology must become the new frontier

If defence defined the old India–Russia partnership, technology must define the new one.

Russia retains deep scientific strengths in advanced engineering, aerospace, nuclear energy, cyber systems and fundamental sciences. India brings scale, talent, software capability, entrepreneurship and commercialization capacity. The complementarities are obvious.

The problem is not absence of potential. The problem is absence of institutional mechanisms capable of converting potential into delivery.

India’s innovation ecosystem today is driven increasingly by private enterprise, start-ups, universities and decentralized technological networks. Russia, by contrast, continues to operate through a more state-centric framework. This mismatch creates friction in decision-making, financing, intellectual property frameworks and business confidence.

Bridging this institutional gap must become a priority. Joint technology parks, university partnerships, semiconductor collaboration, AI research platforms, cyber-security cooperation, quantum technologies and industrial automation should become central pillars of the bilateral agenda. The relationship must move from buyer-seller models towards shared innovation ecosystems.

Otherwise, both countries risk remaining trapped in the nostalgia of past achievements while missing the technologies shaping the future.

Energy and critical minerals: the strategic core

Energy has emerged as the single most important economic driver of India-Russia ties in recent years. Russia has become a critical supplier for India’s energy security at a time of extreme global volatility.

But the future lies not merely in hydrocarbons.

Civil nuclear cooperation remains one of the most successful examples of long-term India–Russia collaboration. The experience demonstrates that both countries can execute technically demanding projects with strategic patience and mutual trust.

This model should now extend into newer domains—hydrogen, LNG infrastructure, petrochemicals, rare earths and critical minerals.

Critical minerals, in particular, may emerge as the defining strategic opportunity of the next decade. As the world transitions towards electric mobility, clean energy systems, semiconductors and advanced manufacturing, control over critical mineral supply chains will become a central geopolitical contest.

Russia possesses enormous resource depth. India requires secure and diversified access. The logic for partnership is compelling. More importantly, cooperation should not stop at extraction. It must extend into processing, refining, recycling, and industrial manufacturing. The real strategic vulnerability today lies not merely in mining, but in the concentration of global processing capacity in a handful of countries.

India and Russia together can help build more diversified and resilient supply chains.

Connectivity, Finance, and Eurasia

Grand strategy ultimately depends on practical connectivity. Without efficient payment systems, shipping routes, insurance mechanisms and logistics corridors, strategic intent cannot translate into economic reality. Sanctions-related disruptions continue to create serious obstacles for businesses on both sides. This is why financial architecture has become central to the relationship.

The growing use of national currencies in bilateral trade is strategically significant. It reflects a broader global trend towards reducing excessive dependence on dollar-denominated systems. Yet alternative systems must also be commercially efficient, transparent, and trusted by private industry.

Similarly, connectivity initiatives such as the International North-South Transport Corridor and the Chennai–Vladivostok maritime route should not remain diplomatic talking points. They must become operational economic corridors that reshape Eurasian commerce. The future of India-Russia relations will depend less on summit declarations and more on whether businesses, investors, researchers, and industries find the partnership economically viable.

The way ahead

India and Russia are entering a phase of strategic transition. The relationship remains politically resilient and historically trusted. But trust, by itself, is no longer enough. The future demands delivery.

A modern India–Russia partnership must be built around technology, energy transformation, critical minerals, connectivity, resilient financial systems, educational exchange, and industrial co-development.

Above all, both countries must resist the temptation to define their partnership only through the prism of the West, China, or current geopolitical conflicts. Relationships endure when they are built on independent logic and future-oriented interests.

The real question is not whether India and Russia share history; the real question is whether they can together shape it in the future.

Shishir Priyadarshi is President of the Chintan Research Foundation and former Director at the World Trade Organization.

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