NEW DELHI: The ninth edition of the AMAN maritime exercise, hosted by the Pakistan Navy, has begun in the North Arabian Sea, reportedly bringing together over 60 nations under the banner of regional maritime cooperation. Officially promoted as a platform for fostering international naval collaboration and enhancing security in the Indian Ocean Region, AMAN-25 is a carefully orchestrated diplomatic spectacle that does nothing more than expose Pakistan’s increasing dependence on China.
Rather than demonstrating Pakistan’s independent maritime ambitions, the exercise is a stark reminder of how deeply the country has surrendered its future to Beijing. The arrival of Chinese warships in Karachi, the overwhelming Chinese footprint in Pakistan’s naval modernisation, and the growing militarisation of Gwadar, all point to one conclusion—Pakistan no longer steers its own destiny. AMAN-25, instead of highlighting Islamabad’s regional leadership, is a platform that reinforces Beijing’s dominance over Pakistan’s military and maritime policies.
PAKISTAN’S NAVY: A FORCE BUILT BY BEIJING
Despite Islamabad’s claims of sovereign military capabilities, its naval modernisation is almost entirely bankrolled and directed by China. While AMAN-25 is presented as a demonstration of Pakistan’s naval reach, a closer look reveals that this reach extends only as far as Beijing allows.
Over the past decade, Pakistan’s naval acquisitions have been overwhelmingly dependent on China.
The Hangor-class submarines acquired in a five-billion-dollar deal are only the latest in a long line of agreements that bind Pakistan’s navy to Chinese technology, logistics, and supply chains. The Type 054A/P frigates, nearly identical to those used by China’s People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN), and the so-called indigenous Jinnah-class frigates, which rely heavily on Chinese design and technical assistance, further illustrate how Pakistan has reduced itself to a secondary player in its own modernisation efforts.
Even the Pakistan Navy’s operational training is increasingly shaped by China, with Pakistani officers being trained in Chinese institutions and military doctrines. A Pakistani defence and security establishment official, speaking on condition of anonymity, acknowledged this dependence, stating that while Pakistan’s naval fleet is expanding, it is only in directions dictated by Beijing.
AMAN-25: A CHINESE PROXY EXERCISE DISGUISED AS MULTILATERALISM
Pakistan markets AMAN-25 as a multinational initiative aimed at enhancing maritime security, but the reality is that China is the primary beneficiary. Western nations that once actively participated in these exercises have scaled back their involvement, recognising AMAN for what it has become—a diplomatic instrument to further China’s ambitions in the Indian Ocean.
While the Pakistan Navy presents the exercise as an inclusive event, the growing presence of the Chinese Navy at AMAN highlights Beijing’s expanding military footprint in South Asia. The arrival of the guided-missile destroyer Baotou and the supply ship Gaoyouhu in Karachi ahead of the exercise reinforces China’s increasing control over Pakistan’s naval landscape. The event is being leveraged to integrate Pakistan further into China’s naval ecosystem while allowing Beijing to test its regional influence under the pretext of international cooperation.
A maritime security expert noted that AMAN, which was once a more balanced forum, has evolved into a platform where China is trying to consolidate its presence in the Indian Ocean in a bid to challenge the Indian Navy, which is the resident power player in these waters. The exercise may still carry the optics of multilateral cooperation, but the shifting geopolitical realities paint a different picture.
GWADAR: THE UNSPOKEN STRATEGIC SHIFT
If AMAN-25 was truly about Pakistan’s regional maritime leadership, it would place Gwadar—the so-called crown jewel of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor—at the centre of its operational narrative. Instead, the exercise carefully avoids highlighting Gwadar’s role, as doing so would expose China’s growing militarisation of the port.
Pakistani officials insist that Gwadar is purely a commercial port, but its gradual transformation into a potential Chinese naval outpost has been widely observed. Satellite imagery has repeatedly pointed to the construction of infrastructure capable of supporting military operations, fuelling concerns that China is preparing to establish a long-term naval presence in the Arabian Sea.
For India, the implications of a Chinese-controlled Gwadar are significant. A permanent Chinese naval foothold in Pakistan would mean an increased military presence just a few hundred kilometres from India’s western coastline. This would potentially allow Beijing to monitor Indian naval movements more closely, expand its strategic reach into the Persian Gulf, and exert influence over critical sea lanes vital for energy security and trade.
Beyond strategic concerns, there is also growing resentment among locals in Balochistan, who have long opposed China’s increasing economic and military footprint in the region. Baloch activists continue to decry Beijing’s exploitation of resources, with many protesting the economic exclusion of local communities from Chinese projects. Gwadar locals have bluntly stated that the port no longer belongs to the people of Pakistan—it belongs to China.
PAKISTAN’S LOSING BET ON CHINA
Pakistan’s decision to align itself completely with China in its military modernisation may offer short-term gains, but it is a strategy that carries long-term risks. China’s history of treating client states as disposable assets should serve as a warning for Pakistan, which seems to believe that its proximity to Beijing provides a permanent strategic advantage.
China’s investments in Pakistan, particularly in its military and naval sectors, are not acts of generosity but moves calculated to serve Beijing’s interests. Just as Sri Lanka found itself in an economic chokehold after handing over the Hambantota Port to China, Pakistan is walking the same path by ceding control over its critical infrastructure, military procurement, and now, even its naval future.
INDIA’S CONTRASTING APPROACH: SELF-RELIANCE AND STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIPS
Pakistan’s increasing dependence on China starkly contrasts India’s naval posture, which prioritises self-reliance and diversified global partnerships. Unlike Pakistan, India has pursued an independent maritime strategy, developing indigenous naval assets such as the aircraft carrier INS Vikrant, Arihant-class nuclear submarines, and a fleet of domestically produced warships.
India’s maritime partnerships with the United States, France, Japan, and Australia provide it access to cutting-edge technologies without surrendering sovereignty. The Indian Navy’s participation in exercises such as Malabar and its role in the Quad alliance demonstrates its commitment to upholding a free and open Indo-Pacific. This approach is built on strategic autonomy rather than submission to a single foreign power.
AMAN-25: A SYMBOL OF SUBMISSION, NOT STRENGTH
As Pakistan celebrates AMAN-25 as a diplomatic success, the reality is far less flattering. The exercise does not showcase Pakistan’s naval capabilities but its growing status as a dependent satellite in China’s strategic orbit. AMAN-25 is not about maritime cooperation but about Pakistan reinforcing its role as China’s junior partner in the Indian Ocean, an arrangement that will only weaken its global standing.
Until Pakistan can break free from Beijing’s grip, its naval modernisation and regional leadership claims will remain hollow. AMAN-25 is not a projection of power but a declaration of Pakistan’s subservience. The real question is whether Islamabad will ever realise it is trading its sovereignty for fleeting military handouts.
* Ashish Singh is a senior journalist with over 17 years of experience in defence & foreign affairs.