In an exclusive conversation with The Sunday Guardian, chief of the Balochistan Liberation Front says that the Baloch youth is infusing the movement with new political and warfare tactics, and that foreign investors should desist from moving into the region.
Dr Allah Nazar Baloch, the veteran chief of the Balochistan Liberation Front and one of the most prominent figures in the decades-old Baloch separatist insurgency, spoke to The Sunday Guardian from an undisclosed location. Dr Nazar, who is a trained doctor, said that a younger generation of Baloch fighters is bringing new political and military tactics to the armed movement. In the exclusive interview, Nazar warned that multinational companies investing in Balochistan’s mineral resources could be legitimate targets and called on India to provide political, diplomatic and material support to the movement. He said complete independence, rather than autonomy or political concessions, was now the only acceptable solution. Edited excerpts:
Q: The Baloch armed movement has demonstrated a marked differently operational capability this year, particularly after the BLA’s Operation Herof 2.0 and the BLF’s subsequent operations in places such as Naal, Nushki, Kech and Panjgur. Do you believe the Baloch armed movement has now entered a new phase of the conflict, and what is the military objective of this phase?
A: I agree with you that there is an intensification of the Baloch freedom movement. First, it has been a long-running freedom movement in the region. As a result, Baloch freedom fighters have gained extensive experience through nearly three decades of war against the coloniser, the Pakistani Army. The warriors have learned a lot from the insanity and weaknesses of our enemy. So, Balochistan is quite different from other regions because the Baloch freedom movement is an indigenous movement. The support of the local Baloch people and the vast geography of Balochistan are our natural support for Baloch freedom fighters.
As you asked whether we are capable of achieving our military objectives, I want to make it clear that every war is fought for political objectives. Nobody is irrelevant to the political objective of a war. So, the Baloch freedom movement is ongoing, and its main and sole objective is our freedom. As you mentioned the BLA’s Herof 2 and the BLF’s operational capabilities, in my view, it is not new to me because it is the essence of the longer Baloch war and the participation of Gen Z in our freedom movement. They are not only armed with guns, but they are also armed with the ideology of Baloch nationalism and modern political and military tactics.
Q: There are now different armed organisations operating in Balochistan, most prominently the BLA and BLF, with overlapping but not necessarily identical operations. How closely are you coordinating with the BLA today? Is there an operational mechanism for coordination between the organisations, or do you regard the two armed movements as strategically independent?
A: It is obvious that the BLA and BLF are more ideologically, strategically and tactically well-coordinated with each other.
Q: You have been one of Pakistan’s most-wanted Baloch separatist leaders for more than two decades, and Pakistani authorities have repeatedly claimed that you were killed or incapacitated, yet you have continued to lead the BLF. Why do you believe the Pakistani state has failed to eliminate or capture you, and how much of the Baloch armed movement’s current strategy and operations are personally directed by you?
A: Right, our enemy wants to eliminate not only me but also other cadres. They always spread rumours about our assassination, but they have failed. Our organisational structure is shaped so that we conduct the war under a chain of command. We have a long-term strategy for our political gains. Also, we do not alienate ourselves or our struggle; we change our tactics from time to time according to the movements of our enemy forces. But the destination is Baloch freedom.
Q: Balochistan is rich in copper, gold and other mineral resources, and projects such as Reko Diq and Saindak have become strategically important to Pakistan and foreign investors. Does the BLF oppose the extraction of Balochistan’s mineral resources by Pakistan and foreign companies (including future investment by United States-based companies) altogether, or is its objection to the way revenues, ownership and control are currently structured? If an independent Balochistan were established, what model of foreign investment and resource-sharing would you envisage?
A: Balochistan is rich in rare-earth minerals, oil, gold and natural gas, and has a coastline hundreds of kilometres long. We are opposing and struggling against all exploitative projects, such as Reko Diq and Saindak, and we also oppose the use of the strategic location of Balochistan by occupying Pakistan and its partners. The coloniser Pakistan not only wants to extract our natural wealth, but our national identity, culture, language and Baloch code of conduct are also under threat. That is why the Baloch have taken up arms.
We oppose not only the Pakistani coloniser but also all other multinational companies and world powers that have joined or intend to join Pakistan in plundering our resources, and I call on them to abstain from investing in Balochistan. We consider investments made with Pakistan to explore and extract minerals in Balochistan to be an act of exploitation of our resources and of strengthening our enemy. Therefore, such companies and their investments are legitimate targets for us.
However, when Balochistan becomes independent, we will follow the principles adopted by independent countries and utilise our resources for the welfare of the Baloch people. As we have mentioned, Balochistan will be a welfare state, and we will utilise our resources for the well-being of the Baloch nation.
Q: Pakistan continues to allege that Baloch armed groups receive substantial Indian assistance, while India denies supporting the insurgency. You have previously spoken about India’s role and potential support. What, specifically, is the nature of the external assistance you believe the Baloch movement should receive today, and do you believe India should provide overt political, diplomatic or material support to the armed struggle?
A: As you mentioned, I have already spoken at length about the allegations and fake propaganda of the Pakistani establishment regarding Indian support.
However, I hope India can play a better role in all ways, including political, diplomatic and moral support. We also hope India will support us materially and diplomatically in international forums like the UN, because India is the largest democracy in the world and a major power in our region. It is India’s moral duty to support the Baloch freedom movement by all means. Our movement is not merely an armed insurgency, but an indigenous national liberation struggle.
Q: The May 24 attack on the train carrying Pakistani security personnel and their families, as well as attacks in which civilians have been killed, raise a fundamental question about the rules of the armed struggle. What targets does the BLF consider legitimate, and where does it draw the line between attacking Pakistani security forces and attacking civilians or their families?
A: The train attack on May 24 was carried out by BLA freedom fighters and comrades. The target was military personnel, and civilians were allowed by the freedom fighters to vacate the train and go safely during the operation. However, this was an unwise action taken by the Pakistani military. Despite being engaged with the freedom fighters, the Pakistan Army killed civilians in order to leave a question mark over the freedom fighters. But we have never legitimised the killing of civilians. The Pakistani Army has used, and continues to use, its air force in Balochistan against civilians. Recently, Pakistan’s brutal and barbarous forces attacked and bombarded civilians in Gidar in Surab district. In their bombardments, numerous children, women and octogenarians lost their lives and were martyred, while dozens were injured. It is a clear war crime. Due to the lack of access for impartial media in Balochistan, which is restricted by the coloniser, Pakistan, they are committing the same crimes on a daily basis. They have established detention centres like the Nazis and are carrying out extrajudicial killings of Baloch masses.
However, it is not the first time that the Pakistani Army has used its air force. They have used air force jets in various areas of Balochistan, such as Meeri and Mashkay. They bombarded a shepherd’s family and killed ten members of one family belonging to Mir Saho, including his wife, nephews, brother and son. His youngest daughter, five-year-old Bakhti, was also martyred. Another example is in Wahli, Awaran district, where they used jets in 2015 and killed more than ten people from one family. However, it did not receive the attention of the international media. The Pakistani Army likewise claimed that the attacks were against Baloch freedom fighters.
These are only a few examples. The Pakistani Air Force has also used jets, and aerial bombardments have been carried out in Kohlu, Dera Bugti and various other areas of Balochistan, but the BLF regards and honours international laws of war. Through your media, we appeal to the international community and the UN Security Council to bring the Pakistani military junta, puppet civilian rulers and all those responsible before a court of justice for their war crimes.
Q: The United States has designated the Balochistan Liberation Army and its Majeed Brigade as Foreign Terrorist Organizations, placing the BLA under significantly greater financial and legal restrictions. How do you interpret that decision, and do you believe it represents a broader shift in Washington’s position towards the Baloch armed movement? Does the designation of the BLA affect the BLF’s international political space or its ability to operate?
A: International powers have their own interests in the world. The USA declared the Baloch Liberation Army an outlawed organisation. In my opinion, world powers, including the USA, have vested interests in Pakistan, and the Pakistani Army is an international mercenary army. They have done this before; for example, Brigadier Zia-ul-Haq was posted in Jordan and massacred thousands of Palestinians in a single day, and after 9/11, they surrendered cheaply after one call from a major power.
However, I do not believe the ban on the BLA will be sustained by the US because the example of Syria is very obvious and clear. In a broader perspective, I think Washington will sooner or later reconsider its decision.
It is also a ray of hope from the international community that recently, when China and Pakistan put forward a resolution in the Security Council to impose a ban on the BLA, the same USA, Britain and France opposed it. In other words, they rejected the Sino-Pakistani resolution.
As for your question about the BLF, it has access to all legal forums of the world that believe in freedom, human rights and the dignity of oppressed nations and human beings, and those that are against slavery.
Q: Pakistan says its military and intelligence operations have significantly degraded the command-and-control structure of the insurgency, while the continued attacks suggest that the armed groups retain substantial operational capability. From your position as BLF leader, what is Pakistan’s military getting wrong about the insurgency, and what has the Pakistani security establishment failed to understand about your ability to regenerate your forces?
A: It is a baseless and irrational opinion of the Pakistani regime. It is simply intended to boost the degraded morale of the Pakistani military. In a recent briefing to the media, the DG ISPR acknowledged that they had conducted more than 31,000 military operations in Balochistan in a year. This shows their moral degradation and that they are unable to succeed in the combat field.
What the Pakistan Army does not understand is its failure to differentiate between a national liberation movement and a law-and-order situation, and the emergence and strengthening of Baloch freedom fighters. So, I cannot say everything about it in the media, but I hope they repeat their mistakes again and again. No one can undermine the Baloch freedom movement and its mass support from the Baloch nation. Our people, our hills, our jungles and every stone of the Baloch homeland are unfamiliar to the Pakistani Army. That is why the Pakistani Army still cannot pronounce the names of places in Balochistan.
In this way of conducting a brutal counter-freedom movement, not only has the army lost its morale and ability to wage war, but it is also suffering from mental illness and exhaustion due to its regular engagements with Baloch freedom fighters.
As I expressed these words in my message to the world, the Pakistani Army is besieged in its cantonments and has restricted its movements. It has superior military and air force capabilities, but its air force is used against innocent Baloch civilians.
Q: Enforced disappearances, arbitrary detention and extrajudicial killings by Pakistani security forces have been repeatedly documented and raised by international human-rights mechanisms in relation to Balochistan. Do you believe these actions have fundamentally changed the nature of the Baloch resistance, particularly by pushing young Baloch towards armed groups? And if the Pakistani state were to credibly end enforced disappearances and account for those who remain missing, would that materially change the level of support for the armed struggle?
A: Previously, I said that detention centres and extrajudicial killings of the Baloch nation, especially young and educated university scholars, are the main targets of the Pakistani Army. From various corners of the world, particularly human rights organisations, questions are being raised and efforts are being made to put pressure on Pakistan. But Pakistan is a rogue and unnatural state due to its illegitimate existence. It never considers or honours international laws. It is ruled by the military, so we again appeal to the United Nations to intervene in Balochistan and declare it an international war zone.
As you said about the young Baloch who are joining the Baloch freedom movement, it is the birthright of every individual from every nation to resist occupation and colonisation. The Baloch war for freedom is indigenous and homegrown and has legitimacy and acceptance among the Baloch nation. So, the Baloch freedom movement has huge moral support from the Baloch nation and the Baloch intelligentsia, as well as from those around the world who believe that every nation has the right to be free in its homeland.
Q: If Islamabad offered meaningful political autonomy, a greater share of resource revenues, guarantees against enforced disappearances and an internationally monitored implementation mechanism, would you enter negotiations without first requiring Pakistani withdrawal from Balochistan, or is independence now the only acceptable outcome?
A: We can talk with Islamabad only on one condition: in the presence of international powers, we will provide a safe way for the Pakistani Army to withdraw from Balochistan, while the Pakistani Constitution itself is already a dead horse.
The Pakistani Constitution cannot protect itself from the military, the judiciary, the parliament or the executive, or, to some extent, from a part of the intelligentsia of the upper-hand Punjabi regime, which has been committing the same crimes that the Pakistani Army has been committing in Balochistan for the last 79 years.
The Baloch do not accept any concessions; the objective of the Baloch nation is a sovereign and independent Balochistan. Now independence is the only acceptable solution.
