Across Bangladesh in early 2026, violence against religious minorities did not erupt randomly; it unfolded with a disturbing consistency, repeated from Shariatpur to Cox’s Bazar with similar methods. The pattern, timing and targeting have led security analysts to argue for some degree of coordination, with fingers pointed at the Jamaat-e-Islami ecosystem and, according to those analysts, its alleged links to Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).
Nationwide Footprint, not Local Riots
Human rights groups and minority forums have documented hundreds of communal incidents since the fall of the Awami League, with more than 2,500 attacks on Hindus and other minorities reported between August 2024 and December 2025, according to the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council (BHBCOP). The BHBCOP recorded 133 incidents of communal violence in the first three months of 2026 alone — killings, temple attacks, land grabs and assaults spread across multiple districts rather than confined to one hotspot.
Within this broader wave, a series of killings of Hindus and secular voices in January–April 2026 was documented across at least ten districts: Shariatpur, Jessore, Narsingdi, Naogaon, Cox’s Bazar, Mymensingh, Feni, Dhaka, Comilla and Faridpur.Â
Documented cases include the killing of Khokon Chandra Das in Shariatpur — a 50-year-old pharmacy owner and mobile banking agent who was stabbed and set on fire on New Year’s Eve 2025 and died on January 3, 2026 — as well as Rana Pratap Bairagi in Jessore, Moni (Sarat) Chakraborty in Narsingdi, and later Nayan Das in Cox’s Bazar and Ranjit Sarkar in Faridpur, mapping an arc from western border belts to eastern coastal zones. Such geographic dispersion within a short window is operationally difficult to explain without some coordinating element and shared methods.
Identical Modus Operandi
The attack signatures are strikingly similar across districts. Murders are often preceded by social media campaigns branding specific Hindu or secular individuals as “blasphemers” or “Indian agents”, priming the local atmosphere days before the physical assault. In several cases, mobs were mobilised through rumours and fabricated posts, mirroring a longer documented pattern in Bangladesh where social media rumours are used to incite mob attacks on minorities.
Violence typically involves stabbings, throat-cutting or mob assaults in public spaces, followed by looting or arson of minority homes and shops. Rights organisations describe police arriving late, refusing to register proper cases, or downplaying the communal angle, thereby reinforcing impunity. After the violence, the land and property of victims are frequently seized or informally transferred to local power-brokers — echoing patterns documented in Pakistan where blasphemy accusations are used to grab land from minorities. The repetition of the “accusation–mob–violence–land grab–police inaction” cycle across multiple Bangladeshi districts is a matter of documented record, whatever its ultimate cause.
Pakistan’s ISI and the Jamaat Axis
The ideological template of the violence bears resemblance to Pakistan’s minority persecution model. Human Rights Watch has shown how Pakistan’s discriminatory blasphemy regime produces mob violence, forced displacement and land seizures against minorities.Â
Analysts tracking the 2026 Bangladesh crisis have argued that the surge in minority killings is linked to a “Pak-Jamaat” agenda, financed and guided by ISI, implemented through Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing on the ground. While this assessment remains disputed and has not been confirmed by independent investigation, ISI’s deepening engagement with Jamaat is openly discussed by regional security analysts and reported in international outlets. The post-Hasina interim government rehabilitated Jamaat, lifted restrictions on radical groups, and tilted foreign policy closer to Pakistan — changes that have been widely noted.
Electoral Timing and Demographic Engineering
The temporal clustering of attacks is notable. Rights groups recorded a spike in violence against Hindus and other minorities in the months before the February 12, 2026 general election, consistent with earlier Bangladeshi elections where minorities have been targeted during political transitions. Alongside the minority killings, there was systematic targeting of political activists seen as obstacles to Islamist consolidation in certain districts.
The long-term demographic trajectory sharpens this concern: the Hindu share of Bangladesh’s population stood at roughly 28 per cent before the 1947 Partition, was already around 22 per cent in the first post-Partition census, and has since declined to approximately 8 per cent today, with each major wave of communal violence coinciding with fresh outflows. Security analysts argue that driving minorities out of urban and border districts is a form of political and demographic engineering, though the exact degree of central coordination behind recent events remains an open question.
Taken together, the nationwide spread across more than ten districts in a compressed time-frame, the similar attack signatures, the election-sensitive timing, and the resemblance to Pakistan’s own blasphemy-and-land-grab model constitute grounds for serious concern about whether recent violence against minorities represents something more organised than spontaneous communal disorder.Â
Whether or not there is a single directing hand behind all of it, the practical effect is the same: vulnerable communities are being pushed out, their property seized, and their presence in public life diminished. Recognising the scale and pattern of what is happening is a necessary step towards mobilising effective regional and international pressure.