As soon as it became clear that Donald Trump was poised to return as President of the United States to political prominence, Pakistan launched a lobbying shopping spree in Washington, rapidly contracting a network of influence firms to reposition its narrative in the U.S. capital. At least 13 lobbying firms have since been hired to represent Pakistan’s interests, according to filings reviewed by the Sunday Guardian between April and May 2025.
These lobbying agencies have entered formal agreements with either the Government of Pakistan or its affiliated institutions, aiming to influence U.S. policy in areas ranging from security to trade, regional geopolitics, and bilateral perception management. The campaign reflects a strategic recalibration by Islamabad, timed to coincide with the anticipated shifts in Washington’s foreign policy orientation under a Trump-led administration.
The earliest agreement dates back to October 2024, when Team Eagle Consulting signed a $1.5 million deal with the Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI), a think tank aligned with Pakistan’s National Security Division. The most recent registration was filed earlier this month, by Checkmate Government Relations LLC, which represents Greystone Investment and Management LLC—a Dubai-based firm acting on behalf of Pakistani interests.
Prominent among these lobbying firms is Javelin Advisors LLC, co-founded by Keith Schiller, Donald Trump’s former bodyguard and Director of Oval Office Operations, and George A. Sorial, a former Trump Organization compliance chief. Their engagement began last month, with a monthly retainer of $50,000. According to documents, their mandate includes building economic partnerships and conveying Pakistan’s stance on regional disputes like Jammu and Kashmir directly to U.S. executive and legislative branches.
Seiden Law LLP, another major player in the network, has been paid $200,000 per month since April 2025, to coordinate high-level lobbying initiatives, including direct engagement with the White House, National Security Council, State Department, and key Congressional committees. Seiden Law also subcontracted Javelin Advisors to further broaden outreach.
Lobbying efforts began to intensify significantly in early 2025, aligning closely with Trump’s re-emergence as the presumptive Republican nominee. The first formal agreement was inked just two days after this political shift became clear, indicating a deliberate move by Pakistan to align with figures and firms seen as close to Trump’s orbit.
In total, disclosed contracts reviewed in this series of filings show Pakistan is spending at least $3,550,000 on lobbying engagements within a span of months, not including additional expenses for travel, accommodation, and subcontractor fees. These funds have facilitated targeted outreach to U.S. policymakers and institutions, including Congressional meetings arranged by Gunster Strategies Worldwide during Pakistani Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi’s January 2025 visit, think tank outreach by Ajjan Associates on behalf of Pakistan’s Institute of Regional Studies, and strategic communications by Squire Patton Boggs, under subcontract from Orchid Advisors, which alone receives $250,000 per month.
In addition to this subcontracted work, Squire Patton Boggs is also directly engaged by the Government of Pakistan. A communication dated May 2025, shows Paul W. Jones—a former U.S. Ambassador and now International Affairs Advisor at the firm—reaching out to Elizabeth K. Horst, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs at the U.S. State Department. In the letter, Jones requests a meeting “to discuss and hear [Eric’s] perspectives on how best to move the relationship forward,” and seeks insight from the department on “FATF, in order to better understand the lay of the land.” He also attaches a document outlining what he describes as “ways forward in the U.S.-Pakistan relationship” and asks, “did we miss anything or would anything sound off-key in Washington?”
The attached materials make an assertive pitch: “Pakistan is prepared to double down on its commitment to counter-terrorism cooperation with the U.S.” The letter highlights Pakistan’s handover of the Abbey Gate ISIS bomber to the U.S., noting that “President Trump thanked Pakistan for this assistance in his speech to a Joint Session of Congress in March 2025.” It goes on to assert that “Pakistan is prepared to do more with the U.S. against ISIS,” and even offers help in recovering U.S. weapons left behind in Afghanistan.
The lobbying narrative is framed around strategic independence and mutual benefit. “Pakistan seeks a bilateral U.S. relationship that stands on its own merits, not dependent on U.S. relations with Pakistan’s neighbors,” the document states, adding pointedly that the U.S.-India relationship “should in no way inhibit stronger U.S.-Pakistan ties.”
Pakistan also pitches itself as an economic partner, saying it is “prepared to help balance the trade deficit” by buying more U.S. exports and offering American companies access to Pakistan’s Special Investment Facilitation Council, chaired jointly by the Prime Minister and the Army Chief. It highlights opportunities for cooperation in “mining, agriculture, and data centers,” and expresses a desire to become a “preferred U.S. partner for critical minerals,” citing reserves worth “trillions of dollars.”
Documents and correspondence reveal Pakistan’s active pursuit of engagement with major U.S. corporations. Outreach to firms like Meta and PayPal has already begun, with additional pitches aimed at fintech, broadband, mining, and data center giants. Islamabad’s message positions the country as an emerging digital and resource hub, offering American companies strategic access and fast-tracked approvals under the newly formed Special Investment Facilitation Council.
The firms are engaging in activities explicitly designed to reshape narratives around Pakistan’s role in the region, particularly in relation to India. Several filings state objectives such as advocating against India’s position on Kashmir, promoting a decoupling of U.S. strategic ties between India and Pakistan, and countering legislative moves like the Pakistan Democracy Act.
One particularly revealing document from Seiden Law details outreach to major U.S. tech companies like Meta and PayPal, lobbying for the restoration of Pakistan’s access to Foreign Military Financing and Foreign Military Sales, and seeking preferential trade treatment. It also proposes leveraging contacts within the U.S. Congress to influence how Pakistan is portrayed in legislative debates.
In parallel, Conscience Point Consulting, retained by Seiden Law at $25,000 per month, has reported meetings and calls with Pakistan’s ambassador to the U.S., Treasury officials, and staffers from Representative Nick LaLota’s office. These interactions were framed as “information gathering,” but the context and timing suggest preparatory steps for more active influence campaigns.
While the financial and operational breadth of Pakistan’s lobbying network in Washington is extensive, the most noteworthy feature is the strategic timing. The campaign gains momentum precisely as U.S. electoral dynamics shift, signaling Islamabad’s intent to reassert its narrative and secure strategic advantage under the second Trump administration.