New Delhi: In an exclusive exchange, the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), through its spokesperson who goes by the nom de guerre of Mohammad Khorasani, has confirmed it is actively working to acquire a long-range missile system, signaling a major upgrade in its operational capability. Detailing its recent organizational restructuring, the outfit revealed it has institutionalized its command to withstand leadership losses and has formally extended its footprint by designating Pakistan-occupied Kashmir as a distinct operational province (wilayat). Citing the deployment of advanced battlefield tech like quadcopters and thermal imaging, the group claimed it is steadily breaking down the Pakistani military’s administrative grip. The TTP explicitly ruled out any near-term peace talks with Islamabad, calling dialogue premature.
Edited Excerpts
Q: Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) recently announced its organizational structure. Why was this reorganization necessary, and what practical changes will it bring?
A: Since TTP has been fighting an organized enemy for two decades, TTP’s leadership council (Shura) makes minor annual adjustments to the organizational structure, appointing capable individuals to each position based on circumstances. This creates an environment for members to carry out their activities with renewed energy. Annual appointments also end stagnation — this and many similar factors are the basis for the need for reorganization.
Q: Reports suggest TTP is trying to expand its long-range strike capability. Is the organization developing or trying to acquire a missile system? If so, what stage is this plan at?
A: Since TTP is a military movement, it is necessary to focus on increasing our military strength above all else, and the acquisition of a missile system is very important.
Q: Pakistan claims that several senior TTP leaders have been killed in intelligence-based operations. How has the organization kept itself organized and active after these losses?
A: Since TTP’s leaders remain present in the war zones themselves and are directly engaged in military activities, several TTP leaders have attained martyrdom in recent years, which has caused some degree of loss — but not an irreparable one, because TTP is currently advancing its activities under an institutional system. The movement is not facing a shortage of capable men in administrative or military affairs. The movement has hundreds of members with decades of jihadi experience who grew up in a revolutionary environment and are deeply sincere to jihadi objectives. Losses of this kind are therefore temporary.
Q: Some reports say former members of Jaish-e-Mohammed and Lashkar-e-Taiba have joined TTP. Has TTP incorporated commanders or fighters linked to these groups into its ranks? If so, what role are they currently playing?
A: When in 2001 Pakistan’s military and government decided to side with America and NATO against the Afghan Taliban, Muslims across Pakistan — especially at the tribal level from Waziristan to the Malakand Division — filled with jihadi spirit, began activities against America and NATO, and also took up arms against Pakistan’s murderous and oppressive army. These groups united in 2007 under the name Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, with people from all segments of Pakistani society joining its ranks and rendering their valuable jihadi service against the Pakistani armed forces.
Q: Protests over governance and economic issues periodically occur in Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir. How does TTP view these protests, and does the organization have any presence or support network in that region?
A: There is no doubt that for decades Pakistan’s establishment has trampled the rights of Pashtuns, Baloch, Saraikis, and Kashmiris for the benefit of certain families, brazenly plundering their resources and shedding their blood. Awareness against this has grown across Pakistan, including in Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir, so people periodically gather, hold protests, and regard the army occupying Pakistan as the root cause of all of Pakistan’s problems. This is a welcome and good development. Since TTP maintains its organizational structure across the country including Pakistan-administered Kashmir, TTP has designated Kashmir a “wilayat” (province) and has appointed a “wali” (governor) along with other institutions, which are operating according to their capacity.
Q: In recent months TTP has carried out relatively more complex and organized attacks. What military or operational changes have driven this development?
A: As mentioned, TTP is advancing its military activity under an institutional system, which has kept all of Pakistan’s military institutions, including the army, so occupied that maintaining security has become impossible for them — in fact, in many areas their writ has effectively ended. The main driver of this progress is a gradual, organized advance, though modern weapons (such as thermal-imaging binoculars, quadcopters, etc.) and the large influx of young people into the movement’s jihadi ranks have also played a significant role.
Q: If Pakistan were to again offer peace talks, what specific conditions would TTP insist on before joining negotiations?
A: TTP’s leadership has always prioritized peace, but due to the arrogant approach of Pakistan’s occupying army (or its being a proxy of the global establishment), peace efforts in Pakistan have always failed. I don’t think peace talks will happen in the near future, so discussing conditions is premature.
Q: It seems relations between Washington and Islamabad are improving again, and Pakistan has expressed interest in offering American companies investment opportunities in the minerals sector. How does TTP view this new US-Pakistan cooperation, and do you think it will affect the organization’s strategy or operations?
A: There is indeed some improvement visible in Washington-Islamabad relations, and as you noted, Pakistan has expressed a desire to offer American companies investment opportunities in minerals. But this dream can only be realized when there is peace in Pakistan — which currently does not exist at all, nor do signs of peace appear; in fact, the security situation in Pakistan is worsening day by day. So these very relations will cause further distance between the two countries. As for whether this affects TTP’s strategy or operations, I don’t think it will have much impact, because the interests that tied America to Pakistan up until 2021 no longer exist. Many of those factors have ended, so the level of US cooperation with Pakistan has fallen very low.
