The putsch in Jaipur has laid bare the absence of a central authority in Congress.
While in his mid-30s, as Rajasthan Pradesh Congress Committee (PCC) president, Ashok Gehlot cited youth power to successfully oust sexagenarian Chief Minister Harideo Joshi in 1988. Thirty-two years later, sexagenarian CM Ashok Gehlot is striving (so far successfully) to thwart charge of the youth brigade led by 42-year-old Sachin Pilot, who has been stripped off his dual positions as Deputy CM and PCC chief because of his audacious challenge to the supremacy of Gehlot. His long experience as an organisational leader, beginning with his appointment as Rajasthan NSUI chief in 1974, when he was 23, has helped Gehlot withstand the sophomoric assault. Never before a state party president been sacked for alleged anti-party activity. And that shows the Machiavellianism of Ashok Gehlot.
The developments in Rajasthan are reminiscent of feudal tiffs. Akin to the internecine struggles witnessed between Mansabdars and Subedars in the twilight years of Mughal rule, when it was said writ of the Badshah ran from Delhi’s Red Fort to Palam. The putsch in Jaipur has laid bare the absence of a central authority in Congress. The party has been headed by interim president, Sonia Gandhi, for over a year since Rahul Gandhi quit on 2 July 2019. Pilot camp says that Priyanka Gandhi Vadra had reached out to Sachin barely hours prior to his dismissal. If that be true, then it perhaps portrays lack of unanimity in the party’s first family. It is also significant that Priyanka, who has so far confined herself to her assigned portfolio—Uttar Pradesh affairs—should choose to step into the imbroglio in Rajasthan.
The grotesque drama in Jaipur began with Gehlot instituting a probe into alleged horse-trading. A police team, SOG, was set up and tasked. They issued notice to Deputy CM Pilot. The bizarreness increased: now SOG wants to probe a Union Minister whose voice is alleged to have been identified in a taped phone conversation. The use of police investigation into political manoeuvring is unprecedented. But in today’s political exercise the use of extra-political devices is not unusual.
Young PCC chief Ashok Gehlot did not see eye-to-eye with CM Harideo Joshi in 1987. Rajasthan had seen four continuous years of drought and Central assistance was of paramount importance for the state. In those days, Punjab politicians, Balram Jakhar and Buta Singh, who could not reach the Lok Sabha from their home turf, which was under terrorist onslaught, were accommodated from Nagaur and Sikar, respectively. Sachin’s father, Rajesh Pilot, who was essentially from UP, had chosen Dausa in Rajasthan as his seat. These powerful Central leaders were unhappy with Harideo Joshi. Ashok Gehlot, who also was MP, utilised the angst of the Central ministers to unleash a campaign against Joshi. It was alleged that Central funds for drought relief were unutilised. This created double whammy for Joshi—his plea for extra funding was questioned by Centre, which was convinced by the Jakhar-Buta-Pilot-Gehlot complaints. A former CM, Shiv Charan Mathur, who had been removed in January 1985 after a police firing in Bharatpur, emerged as the choice of the dissidents against Joshi.
In December 1987, Rajiv Gandhi, who was known for his profligacy, like holidays in Andamans and Lakshadweep, decided to hold a meeting of the Union Cabinet at Sariska Tiger reserve near Alwar in Rajasthan. It was supposed to be an “austere affair”. (BJP stalwart Jaswant Singh referred to it in Lok Sabha as “prime ministerial picnic”, in Rajasthan Assembly Bhairon Singh Shekhawat deplored the extravaganza at a time when Rajasthan was reeling under drought.) Arrangements were made at RTDC’s Tiger Den for the Cabinet to stay. CM Harideo Joshi took up quarters at the Forest Bungalow nearby. The vehicles of the state officials deputed for the bundobast were parked at clearing behind the Forest Bungalow. As the Prime Minister wanted “austerity”, the vehicles were kept away from his sight. Strangely, as Rajiv Gandhi drove his vehicle to reach Sariska (he preferred to drive), a policeman wrongly signalled him and he drove into the parking lot. He lost his cool and gave a piece of mind to Joshi. (In 1982, he had similarly upbraided Andhra Pradesh CM, T. Anjiah in Hyderabad airport—the incident which gave rise to N.T. Rama Rao floating TDP to assert Telugu pride.)
The sacking of Joshi became imminent thereafter. He was replaced by Mathur in January 1988. Joshi was sent as Governor to Assam. After the Lok Sabha defeat in November 1989, Rajiv Gandhi, perhaps realising the fallacy of the earlier move, restored Joshi as CM in Jaipur for the residual term of the Vidhan Sabha. Ironically, the first move of Mathur as CM had been to seek extra drought relief funds, thus negating the charge that Joshi was not utilising Central funds judiciously, which had led to his ouster in January 1988.
The last act of the Jaipur drama will be enacted in coming days. Will Gehlot be the ultimate winner in 2020 as well?