Scepticism about NDA-III overlooks the foundation of the alliance. It was neither formed in opposition to anyone nor as a rag-tag opportunistic endeavour.
“To die hating them, that is freedom”. – George Orwell
This seems to be the motto of the strengthened opposition, which together has few seats than the largest single party. Hence they abuse and defame, so that what defeat they could not do electorally they can do through their narrative ecosystem. If “politics is the art of the possible,” then coalition politics is the “art of making diversity possible.”
Indian democracy is a manifestation of such art, where unity is achieved through inclusion and differences are celebrated through diversity. This year, India’s two-month electoral cycle culminated in the historic swearing-in of Narendra Modi as the Prime Minister for the third consecutive time. The incumbent NDA coalition surpassed the magical 272- mark, with the Bharatiya Janata Party securing 240 seats in the 18th Lok Sabha elections.
Many have questioned the future of the government during this upcoming tenure, while others have expressed optimism. Let’s explore the opportunities this coalition government faces in contrast with the challenges that are likely to occur. Coalition politics cannot be a form of disruption politics, causing confusion and chaos. The present session of Parliament shows that attacks have become personal rather than issue-based. We live in a time of confusion, disenchantment, and most importantly, serious global social, political, and economic turbulence that raise not just existential insecurities, but also theoretical ambiguities. The personal has become political, where attack is the best means of defence.
Political language is designed and articulated to make lies sound truthful. Thought corrupts language and language corrupts thought. So the game is if you cannot convince, confuse. Hence in such an environment, coalition politics becomes the art of the implausible. Various aspects of the alliance are notable and represent significant facets of the coalition’s future. The BJP’s experience in Indian coalition politics is extensive. From the days of the JP movement and the subsequent Janata Party government of the late 1970s, the BJP has consistently brought together parties from across the country under a common umbrella.
This historical perspective reveals that the BJP has always viewed coalition politics as a supra-political unit where like-minded parties converge. THE 1990S EXPERIENCE The Indian experience of coalition politics is fraught with chaotic episodes, with governments forming and falling by the week. India’s political instability during the 1990s was a difficult period compounded by the economic fallout of four decades of socialist policies, which left India precarious. Geopolitical developments, including the fall of the Soviet Union and the US’s unipolar moment, made things extremely difficult for an India that sought to emerge from the hangover of the Cold War and four decades of Congress rule.
While the Congress did return to power multiple times, the space made available for alternative thoughts and parties was a significant silver lining in the 1990s. Now, it’s evident that such observations are largely inspired by the experiences of the 1990s, but such views are inherently myopic. A coalition government can be messy but is not necessarily unstable. Narasimha Rao’s government took ground breaking decisions, such as liberalising the economy and establishing relations with Israel despite being a minority government. Similarly, the argument about weak coalition governments overlooks the Vajpayee government of 1998, which had a more volatile partnership and was essentially unstable. Yet, Vajpayee made the tough decision to make India a nuclear power with a 13-party coalition. Remember, this is not just a BJP phenomenon.
The UPA-I government achieved the civil nuclear deal with the US despite critical coalition partners, like the left parties, regularly threatening Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s government. Therefore, while the experience of 1990s coalition politics casts doubts about the future of the NDA-III government, assuming the worst overlooks the ability of leadership to negotiate agendas with its partners, particularly when historical precedents are considered. MOVING AHEAD India’s tryst with coalition politics is a complex saga. Still, example after example, one can observe a tradition in Indian politics where coalition partnerships allow a greater diversity of thought and opinions. This does not necessarily mean that all would agree on everything, but it ensures everyone will be heard.
Moving ahead, the NDA government has to account for the possibility of disagreements, whether on policy issues or political matters. Disagreements need not lead to disengagement. The challenge in front of NDA-III will be ensuring that partners are not left unheard and their views are considered in final decision making. Moreover, scepticism about NDA-III overlooks the foundation of the alliance. It was neither formed in opposition to anyone nor as a rag-tag opportunistic endeavour. Instead, the coalition’s basis lies in a shared vision, especially with its focus on development and social welfare agenda. This gives more hope for the future of the coalition. For instance, the ambitious proposal of a Uniform Civil Code (UCC) by the BJP has already garnered support from JD(U), which is significant given the complexities of Bihar politics.
While the practical implementation of the UCC remains to be seen, the agreement, in principle, marks a crucial step before detailed discussions on its nuances and agreements can proceed. Another hurdle facing the government is navigating the role of the opposition in Parliament. In coalition politics, the opposition must be constructive in policymaking and governance rather than obstructive. At the end of the day, the Parliament is not elected for a party but for the country and its people. Therefore, the government must anticipate and manage political manoeuvres from the opposition.
Failing to address these challenges could jeopardise the coalition, as the perception of a fracture in the alliance is more pernicious than actual differences. In fact, India has gone a step further in promoting and encouraging unity alongside diversity and inclusivity. It is visible through the apparent increase in regional parties, local leaders, and individuals from all backgrounds entering Parliament. This diversity of thought not only strengthens the unity of Bharat but also stands as a unique strength that sets India apart. If it remains attentive and inclusive, the coalition government of NDA III will indeed become the hallmark of India’s diverse and inclusive democratic landscape.
Personal attacks tend to demonize and dehumanize the target, so that one does not feel guilty of it. This has reached dangerous levels that the opposition seems to have lost its plot. This delegitimizes a healthy and principled opposition in a democracy, the pivot of diversity and dissent and ends up a shadow of its real self.
Prof Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit is the Vice Chancellor of JNU.