Grand Old Party sets the ball rolling for ‘Congress-mukt Bharat’ by ceding ground to its regional rivals.
Narendra Modi’s undisguised dislike for Indira Gandhi notwithstanding, he seems to have a sneaking admiration for the tactics she harnessed for knocking out her rivals. During the 1969 split in Congress, radio headlines daylong played up the moves of her rivals—Indira Gandhi’s stand, a resounding reply, was made known just in time to hog the prime time All India Radio (AIR) bulletin at 9 PM. (There was no TV news then, AIR, now called Aakashvani, was the only source of news breaks during the day; its 9 PM highlights usually were reflected in the headlines of next morning’s daily newspapers.) On 18 July, the news channels were agog with the Bengaluru conclave of 26 opposition parties, hosted by Congress. The stage seemed to have been set for a battle royale in 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Modi’s arrival at the venue of the National Democratic Alliance meet hosted by BJP in Delhi was covered briefly in between before the spotlight went back to the Bengaluru “uprising”. Just before 9 PM Modi started addressing the NDA session—all TV channels interrupted their animated discussions on opposition unity and beamed his speech live on their prime time slots. Modi had succeeded in setting the dominant agenda in a news-charged day.
Since the formation of the NDA-2 government in 2014 no meetings of the alliance partners had been convened. NDA’s 25th anniversary was in May, however it was observed on 18 July—the event was scheduled after the Patna summit participants had set 17-18 July as the dates for their Bengaluru rendezvous. Congress leaders sneered that BJP was being reactive. Perhaps true. However the outcome of 18 July showed that the effect of the 38-party NDA meet in Delhi’s iconic Ashok Hotel outshone the aftermath of the 26-party conclave in Bengaluru’s Taj Westend ,which saw the sunset of United Progressive Alliance (UPA) and the birth of a hyphenated entity I-N-D-I-A (Indian National Developmental and Inclusive Alliance). Stage was set for the battle royale of the next general elections.
In his address to the joint session of the US Congress in Washington Modi had informed the American lawmakers that unlike their two-party system India’s democracy had the vibrancy of participation by some 2,500 parties, of whom 20 were ruling parties in various states. The 18 July confabulations were not a straight game of “Us” versus “Them”. Missing in the two competing set ups were many important parties like BRS, YSRCP and BJD, the ruling parties of Telangana, Andhra Pradesh and Odisha, respectively. Besides, Mayawati’s BSP with its notable vote bank in UP and pockets of influence in several states also stayed away. Thus it was not a 60-40 divide between Opposition and the ruling dispensation. However the proponents of I-N-D-I-A, with their Hindi tagline “Jeetega Bharat” tend to believe that a one-on-one fight scenario has been tailored.
Bengaluru saw hosts Congress in its magnanimous best. In Patna Rahul Gandhi had hinted that his party was prepared for accommodation and give and take in order to ensure defeat of BJP. The alliance’s new name, credited to West Bengal Chief Minister and Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee, reflects Rahul’s idiom of “Idea of India”, which according to his discourses at home and abroad, is “under threat”. In Patna, AAP had set the precondition that unless Congress supported it in opposing the Delhi Services Ordinance legislation in Parliament the unity talks would not precede. Arvind Kejriwal had walked off in a huff from Patna. To ensure AAP’s presence in Bengaluru Congress yielded. On 17 July, during the pre-summit dinner, Kejriwal was seated on Sonia Gandhi’s table, to Nitish Kumar’s chagrin, as he was seated elsewhere. Having been the host at Patna, Nitish expected to be treated better—next day his reservations on the new name were also overlooked. (He left the venue without addressing the press meet on 18 July.)
The bonhomie displayed at Bengaluru did not go unnoticed in Punjab—PCC President Amrinder Raja Warring and former Deputy Chief Minister Sukhjinder Randhawa (who is Congress points man for the Ashok Gehlot-Sachin Pilot tiff in Rajasthan) spoke against the AAP government in their state on 19 July. And so did CPI(M) politburo member Brinda Karat, who referred to the violence against her party workers in Bengal in recent panchayat polls.
Bengaluru saw strange table mates as well. CPI(M)’s Sitaram Yechury shared a table with Mamata at the 17th dinner. In her address to the media Mamata referred to “Yechuri ji and Raja ji (CPI’s D.Raja)”, while referring to Rahul Gandhi as “our favourite Rahul ji”. A lot seems to have changed over two years—on 28 July 2021 when Mamata flew to Delhi to meet Sonia Gandhi during the Parliament’s Monsoon Session, she had walked out of 10 Janpath in a huff when Rahul entered the meeting room. She had not hidden her displeasure at Rahul’s unscheduled presence while briefing media persons trusted by her. In Benglaluru she was accorded a seat in the conclave between Sonia and Rahul. Sonia’s effort at making Rahul more acceptable to Mamata and a host of others seems to have succeeded. Mamata nurtures Prime Ministerial ambition—in Patna she had touched RJD chief Lalu Yadav’s feet. As Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge has said that his party is not in the race for the top job, Mamata, a former Congressperson who has rapport with Sonia since Rajiv Gandhi days, has reason to be hopeful. Arvind Kejriwal too has his eye on the PM’s post. Nitish, despite his denials, is also an aspirant. A section of media has of late speculated if Kharge could be projected as the first ever Dalit PM candidate to counter OBC Narendra Modi.
Contradictions remain. The next stop of the bandwagon, which Modi has described as “Chaubees ke liye Chhabbis” ( 26 parties for ’24) in Mumbai. NCP supremo Sharad Pawar being beleaguered in his backyard the honour for hosting Mumbai meet will that of the Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackrey). An 11-member coordination committee, a permanent secretariat and perhaps even naming a convener may be on the cards. From Patna to Bengaluru the initiative has taken some decisive steps. Seat sharing has not been discussed yet. In Patna Lalu Yadav had declared Rahul Gandhi as the “dulha”—that talk did not resurface in Bengaluru.
Given the present mood of Congress leadership the Grand Old Party may give more than take in the game of give and take that may ensue. Congress workers in Punjab, Delhi and West Bengal do not seem amused. The accommodation given to prominent former Congress leaders in BJP has not gone unnoticed. Only recently, while appointing new state chiefs BJP chose Sunil Jakhar for Punjab—he headed Punjab PCC not too long ago. In Andhra, choice fell on NTR’s daughter D.
Purendeshwari, who is a former Congress Union minister. Apart from Himanta Biswa Sarma and Jyotiaditya Scindia other defectors from Congress too have been rewarded. Modi’s party is BJP 2.0, a far cry from the party he took over as poll campaign head in 2013.
According to a recent study by a Bengaluru think-tank, if Congress aligns with regional parties its votes may not be transferred to the ally, but may gravitate towards BJP because these are the voters who have traditionally preferred a national party. Thus apart from estranged and ignored leaders , chagrined workers and voters of the Grand Old Party may look for a new, national party to support. Late Makhan Lal Fotedar’s caution on the party’s “Tamilnaduisation” (where Congress has not won since 1967) may apply across geographies. A “Congress-mukt-Bharat” could be an outcome of I-N-D-I-A.
Bengaluru saw the sunset of UPA and along with that of Sonia Gandhi—for the first time since 2004, she ceased to be the titular head of the anti-BJP opposition. Name of the new alliance has many hyphens. Will a hyphenated entity offer a formidable challenge to a rejuvenated NDA? Outcome of no election is predictable. However unlike the blinding lights of “India Shining” campaign of 2004, the present party managers of BJP—Modi and Amit Shah—have a “no full stop” attitude in facing challenges. 18 July amply demonstrated that.