With Trump 2.0 on the horizon, India’s priority should shift from reflecting on the past to strategically planning its future approach.
Donald Trump has been the first POTUS to support Hindus openly and call out Islamic radicalism. Unfortunately, Kamala Harris, who is a Tamil but hid her Indian Hindu heritage to the extent of denial, was opportunistic and hypocritical. The verdict is in: the highly anticipated 2024 US elections have resulted in a sweeping Republican victory, with the GOP securing the presidency, the Senate, and the House of Representatives. Unlike the narrow outcomes of recent cycles, these results were decisive, marking a landslide that brings Donald J. Trump back as the 47th President of the United States. Now, as armchair analysts worldwide dive into forecasting the future of US foreign policy and global power dynamics, the stage is set for a new era in international relations.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who shared a productive relationship with Trump in the past, was among the first world leaders to congratulate him on his win. This camaraderie was highlighted earlier in September when Trump, still on the campaign trail, extended birthday wishes to PM Modi—a gesture that underscores the personal rapport between the two leaders. As the initial excitement over Trump’s victory begins to settle, it’s time to take a deeper, more analytical look at the nuanced and critical issues that lie ahead in shaping US-India relations and the global order.
BUILDING ON PREVIOUS TERM
Describing Trump’s unpredictable last term as fruitful for India-US relations aptly captures the dynamic between the two nations. As Trump prepares to take the oath next January, significant shifts have emerged in the geopolitical, geoeconomic, and domestic landscapes of both countries. Trump, having navigated a challenging path himself, now champions a policy focused on peace and stability. His vow to end wars comes at a time when international politics is fraught with conflicts, from Gaza to Ukraine.
Understanding Trump’s approach as both a leader and an individual is essential to navigating the evolving challenges ahead. He is steadfastly American in his values and unapologetically resistant to external pressures. His diplomatic style is rooted in his background as a businessman, and during his previous term, he engaged assertively with India—a rapport mirrored by Modi’s diplomatic style and persona. This synergy led to unprecedented military and multilateral cooperation, particularly seen through the Quad.
Trump’s engagement with India and PM Modi is poised to continue, given India’s vast potential as a market for business and ideas. The Indian diaspora has played a significant role in the GOP’s success, and Trump is unlikely to overlook their contributions. Strong cooperation in military, multilateral forums, and conventional energy is likely to carry over from his first term, even as issues like climate change, sustainable development, and trade—critical areas under the Biden administration—may take a backseat.
HINDU COMMUNITY AND KHALISTAN
The central focus in security cooperation between Modi 3.0 and Trump 2.0 will hinge on Trump’s stance toward the Khalistan issue and his support for the Hindu community. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s missteps in recent months have recently exacerbated the crisis to the point of ambassadorial recalls. Meanwhile, Khalistani organized crime syndicates in North America and Europe have escalated their attacks on Hindus, with temples being vandalized and government officials receiving frequent death threats.
The Biden administration has been alarmingly ineffective in curbing Khalistani elements. Whether due to incompetence or intentional neglect is unclear, but it is evident that the Khalistan movement has gained considerable ground and protection during Biden’s term, as seen in the high-profile Pannun case. Adding to this, the Yunus government in Bangladesh has openly favoured Islamists, celebrating the coup that ousted the Sheikh Hasina government. Figures like Clinton have openly supported Yunus, providing him with prominent platforms to legitimize his actions and amplify his influence. In this context, Trump’s policy and actions regarding Khalistan and Hindu safety will be a critical determinant of US-India security cooperation, primarily as Modi’s administration seeks a strong ally against these destabilizing forces.
What stands out in all of this is the glaring silence around the plight of the Hindu community. For Khalistani supporters (backed by Pakistan) and Islamists in Bangladesh, Hindus have become an easy and common target, both within their own countries and globally. In Western nations, harassment and discrimination against Hindus have surged, marked by threats, vandalism, and even attacks on temples and prominent figures. Disturbingly, even academia, supposedly a haven for open dialogue, has become increasingly hostile to Hindus.
This rising Hinduphobia is fuelled by anti-India elements and weaponized by Khalistanis and Islamists, with some segments of the Indian woke class all too willing to support it. The Modi-Trump camaraderie, symbolized by events like Howdy Modi (2019) and Namaste Trump (2020), will be tested by these pressing issues that could significantly influence the bilateral relationship. Trump’s support for the Hindu community in Bangladesh is a hopeful signal, recognizing not only the spread of Hinduphobia but also the emerging political voice of the Hindu community in the US. Whether Trump will follow through on his words remains to be seen, yet his track record suggests a commitment to his promises, even if the execution details vary.
WOKEISM AND IDENTITY POLITICS
The focus of the US elections should not solely be on Trump; Vice President Kamala Harris deserves scrutiny as well. Analysts are still dissecting the Democratic Party’s weighty blunders, but a few glaring issues stand out: a detachment from the economic struggles of average Americans, the persistent reliance on identity politics, and an unyielding dedication to woke ideologies. American voters’ rejection of these trends speaks volumes about their growing frustration with a mindset that, ironically, has been nurtured in the US before being exported globally.
This discussion also connects to the recent Hinduphobia in the US, an issue tied to the Biden administration’s embrace of ideologies that fracture societies like India for political gains. Harris’s relentless emphasis on identity politics—much like Hillary Clinton in 2016 elections—did not resonate with voters and showcased the limits of relying on extreme ideological rhetoric. In an attempt to appeal to Hindu voters, Harris highlighted her Indian heritage, yet her administration simultaneously endorsed Bangladesh’s Yunus government. Whether this was a strategic ploy to keep India distracted or an expression of deep-seated Hinduphobia within the administration is difficult to discern. Regardless, the practice of pandering to racial and ethnic groups for electoral gain is a short-sighted strategy that rarely yields lasting benefits.
The media industrial complex, state sponsored media mob, woke nonsense and fake news were totally exposed and made no impact on the US electorate. They were ignoring the fundamentals. Democrats defined women only by their womb and they can kill unborn children. This exposed Kamala and her lack of talent. Empowered women broke this image and voted against this stereotype. It is not all about gender and race but the nation and the economy.
LOOKING FORWARD
With Trump 2.0 on the horizon, India’s priority should shift from reflecting on the past to strategically planning its future approach. Trump’s hard stance on immigration, tariffs, and “America First” policies poses challenges. Therefore, New Delhi must craft innovative ways to engage with the returning administration. The focus should be on reinforcing past successes while steadfastly protecting India’s interests and those of the Hindu community.
India’s optimal strategy is to highlight areas of mutual benefit, such as counter-terrorism and resisting woke ideologies that threaten national identity, culture, and freedom—values both Prime Minister Modi and Trump seek to uphold. Establishing these common goals early on can lay the groundwork for a robust, genuine partnership with the US, which is grounded in shared commitments and mutual respect.
* Prof Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit is the Vice Chancellor of JNU.