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Linking espionage with media freedom is a crime

Editor's ChoiceLinking espionage with media freedom is a crime

It is not just press freedom, but also the discipline of expression and constant awareness of constitutional protection that are essential.

Since childhood, we have all heard: “Who knows in what disguise we may find God or in what disguise a demon Ravana may appear.” Rahul Gandhi is a responsible Congress leader who often refers to the words of his grandmother, Indira Gandhi, and father, Rajiv Gandhi. He has knowledge of the political and pro- or anti-India efforts of various advisers, colleagues, and supportive leaders in the past fifty years. However, Rahul Gandhi or his new comrades seem to be unaware of how individuals, such as journalists, businessmen, or officials, can actively engage in espionage or undermine India’s unity and integrity within the context of anti-India sentiments and the security system. If they understood this, they would not present attacks on media freedom in India by linking them to the recent arrest of Indian journalist Vivek Raghuwanshi in the most serious case of espionage related to the Indian security system in the National Press Club of America. It is not just press freedom, but also the discipline of expression and constant awareness of constitutional protection that are essential. However, along with this freedom, the misuse of it, surveillance of India’s security system, and strict legal measures are also crucial. Rahul Gandhi and some of his close associates, Congress spokespersons, are currently engaged in defamatory propaganda both domestically and internationally, attacking Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government for its actions and dangers. Media freedom and its self-discipline, adherence to the code of conduct, and continuous awareness of constitutional protection are undoubtedly necessary. However, in this context, the investigation of alleged espionage against Vivek Raghuwanshi and Rajeev Sharma, who were collecting important confidential documents related to foreign powers, intelligence agencies, and defence, as well as the Indian government’s investigation, into the raids of investigation agencies on those who illegally received billions of rupees or foreign currency in the name of media, raises questions as to why leaders of the Congress or other parties are objecting. In this context, it is appropriate to draw attention to the actions taken against individuals who were referred to as journalists during the Congress regime. Rajiv Gandhi was in power when Rahul was young, but confirmation of such allegations can still be obtained from other senior leaders, former officials, and government or media records.
I have actually reported such cases myself, and the accused individuals were initially sent legal notices before later being sent to jail. For instance, during Rajiv Raj’s tenure, on 9 October 1985, I wrote a news article on the front page of a leading Hindi newspaper stating that names of a journalist and four Congress leaders-ministers were coming up in an espionage scandal. The investigative agency is set to arrest the main accused in this espionage case, and the investigation will create a troublesome situation for the government as well. The main accused sent me and the editor of the newspaper a legal notice of defamation through his renowned lawyer. That notice is still in my personal records. I did not respond to that question because it was based on a genuine news story. In a span of two to three weeks, the main suspect in the espionage case was arrested. The suspect claimed to be a businessman, social worker, and a columnist for newspapers. Suspicious foreign currency in lakhs of rupees was found in his and his organization’s bank accounts. He allegedly used to send information about defense matters through foreign sources sitting in Mumbai and Srinagar, along with engaging in the business of influencing politicians, parliamentarians, editors, journalists, and officials, as well as managing foreign trips. In this case, investigating agencies thoroughly interrogated two or three journalists, including the editor of a regional Hindi newspaper. Contacts with a foreign embassy and evidence of receiving funds were found against him. About three months later, a day before the main accused’s chargesheet was filed in court, two prominent ministers of the Rajiv Gandhi government resigned because their names were also expected to be mentioned in the chargesheet. One of these ministers was also a former editor. Another former minister, a Congress leader, was the chairman of a commission. He also resigned. It is natural that this legal case continued for a long time. The government’s relations with the United States were also improving. The regional editor had previously been a bureau chief in a Delhi newspaper and had provided more and more information to the investigating agencies, thereby avoiding going to jail as a government witness and permanently fleeing to the United States.
The second case of Congress rule is not very old and is interesting. A journalist and former Congress Member of Parliament, the son of a family, was arrested on charges of leaking confidential information about defence deals to arms dealers. Due to sufficient evidence in court, he had to spend nearly five years in jail. He received some relief during the first term of the Manmohan Singh government, but his bank accounts are still frozen, and the court proceedings are ongoing. Interestingly, after coming out of jail, the accused person donned the attire of a publisher of an English newspaper so that he could easily move around in the corridors of power. “I haven’t mentioned a specific name in the legal matter, but Rahul Gandhi and his close advisors are very knowledgeable. They will understand that it is inappropriate to protect those who commit fraud and crimes in the name of journalism based on the freedom of the media. Such espionage can be done not only by Pakistan, China, but also by the intelligence agencies of the United States or European countries or defence contractors.”
In a similar manner, the situation of political pressure in the media is not limited to Congress governments at the central or state level. Even in non-Congress governments, there are instances of such pressure. In one case, the son of a prominent Congress Chief Minister used to threaten people at the office of a prestigious newspaper in Delhi. When we published news about the threat issued to a senior Congress leader, he responded by sending a legal notice with verbal threats. Instead of providing a response, we decided to expose his actions through a series of articles, leading to apologies from other prominent leaders. In Bihar, during Lalu Yadav’s first term, when I published documents related to the fodder scam, his supporters attacked the printing unit of the publishing institution and even set it on fire. Lalu Yadav received his sentence after several years. In recent years, the Congress party in West Bengal seems to lack information about the ruling party and its leaders. Editors of publications in Tamil Nadu and Kerala have also faced pressure and attacks in the past decade. However, journalists and media houses that seek personal gain from those in power or engage in illicit financial activities are influenced by government pressure or face legal consequences. Those who prioritize honesty and adhere to journalistic ethics continue to work fearlessly. Delhi alone does not represent the entire country. In various parts of the country, thousands of journalists are working honestly and diligently.

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