What the world sees as two important minority religions in India, are two global majorities, and Hinduism is at a disadvantage not only in terms of the number of countries that are predominantly Christian or Muslim, but also because it is not a proselytising religion.
In a recent media interview, Prime Minister Narendra Modi talked about the low-effort, high-dividend strategy of the Congress, which involves fear-mongering and painting the BJP as anti-Muslim. He emphasised that he is not against Muslims or Islam, and that his vision of governance is inclusive and non-discriminatory. This is easily verifiable through a Google search, which yields several articles highlighting that the Muslim community’s share in the government’s welfare schemes is high.
Narendra Modi refers to the 140 crore Indians as his family, and reaffirms that he believes in development for all and appeasement towards none. India’s relations with many Muslim-majority nations have strengthened under Modi 1.0 and 2.0. NaMo has received the highest civilian awards from Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan, Palestine, the Maldives, the UAE, Bahrain, and Egypt. In fact, while India was gearing up for the Ram Mandir ceremony in January, PM Modi shared special “brotherly” moments with the UAE President in Ahmedabad, and Smriti Irani led the first-ever non-Muslim Indian delegation to Medina. In February, PM Modi inaugurated a grand temple in Abu Dhabi, the land for which was donated by the UAE government.
I must mention here that my interest in Narendra Modi’s governance began when, on a trip to Kutch, a local Muslim driver praised the Modi-led Gujarat government for its excellent earthquake rehabilitation efforts and the handling of water scarcity in the arid region. This was repeated by several Muslims that I met. At that time, NaMo was still largely politically untouchable and was continuously vilified by the Congress ecosystem.
A few years later, in 2012, NaMo received a clean chit from the Supreme Court-monitored Special Investigation Team (SIT), and then in 2022, from the Supreme Court. However, none of the above has helped dispel the anti-Muslim tag associated with Modi since the 2002 Gujarat riots. The 2005 visa denial by the United States is used as a taunt, despite the red carpet rolled out by the US after Modi became the PM, and the 2020 conferral of the Legion of Merit by the US government.
THE LONG SHADOW OF 2002
In August 2023, the “2002 genocidal massacres” report was published on GenocideWatch, a project with Samantha Power, the administrator of the US Agency for International Development (USAID), on its board of advisors. As part of the Obama Administration, Power spearheaded the formation of the Atrocities Prevention Board, which focuses on potential genocides and possible interventions. Fifth year in a row, the US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) has urged the US government to designate India as a “Country of Particular Concern” for severe religious freedom violations. Over the years, the USCIRF has directly or indirectly referenced the Gujarat riots in its reports. The US-based Early Warning Project (EPW), which uses V-Dem data, consistently ranks India high for mass killing risk. In 2022, USCIRF Ambassador-at-large Rashad Hussain, cited India’s very-high risk second ranking by EPW. It is a vicious network where one biased dataset reinforces another, perpetuating a highly negative narrative against India.
India refutes such reports and rankings as propaganda, but these are circulated by the Indian Opposition as well as the Indian and the global media. It not only results in foreign comments on internal affairs, but has the potential to trigger covert interference, international censure, and sanctions.
COMMUNAL VIOLENCE
Let me include excerpts from two articles by Dr Ashgar Ali Engineer, who has written extensively on communal violence in India.
“Around 250 police and SRP threw a cordon around this locality and armed by lathis, steel pipes, axes, etc, entered the houses of Muslims in that locality…The police entered in all, 55 houses and looted cash and jewellery and smashed furniture, crockery, television sets, steel cup- boards or whatever came in their way.”
“‘GUJARAT burns again”, “Maharashtra engulfed in communal fire”, “Allahabad up in flames”, “UP sitting atop heap of communal gunpowder” are some of the recent headlines in newspapers. “Caste and communal hatred has completely gripped us and there seems to be no way out. Our constitutional secularism is being torn to shreds and we have to wring our hands in despair.”
These excerpts are from his articles published in March and August 1986, respectively. The political party in power at the Centre, as well as all the three states—the Indian National Congress.
More: “It is common knowledge in Ahmedabad that Amarsingh hardly commands any authority over the administration.” Choudhary was the CM since July 1985. NaMo was brought into Gujarat in October 2001 and immediately focused on Kutch earthquake rehabilitation. His appointment was opposed by certain sections of the state BJP, and he became an MLA on February 24th, three days before the Godhra train burning. Yet, he was not given the defence that he had no authority over the administration.
“Amar Singh Choudhary, the chief minister, though not anti-Muslim by any means, proved too weak to put down the communal violence with determination. He was even afraid of blaming those who were openly involved. He categorically stated in a press conference that the BJP had no hand in the incidents.” The BJP was guilty even when the Congress CM categorically said that it was not. Similarly, Modi is guilty, even when the nation’s apex court has given a clean chit to him.
Then there were the deadly 1969 Gujarat riots that claimed 660 lives, including 430 Muslims (official figures). It was the Congress government, but the speeches of Jan Sangh leaders were blamed for triggering violence. The Godhra train burning, however, was not considered a trigger for the 2002 riots.
There are two eerie similarities between 1986 and 2002 Gujarat riots. In 1986, the Gulbarga society of Ahmedabad came under attack. Former Congress MP Ehsan Jafri “appealed to the authorities to impose curfew but with no effect. However, he succeeded in getting police help two hours later.” The police initially refused to fire on the mob. Eventually, when it did fire, a young boy fell to a bullet and rumours were spread that Jafri had killed the boy. In 1986, Congress was in power in the state and at the Centre, and despite Jafri being a Congress leader, the administration did not pay heed to his requests immediately. He could have been killed. There was no outrage or attempt to hold the then CM personally responsible for the attack on the society and the slow response. Tragically, Jafri did not survive a similar situation in 2002, and for two decades, there were attempts to hold Modi criminally accountable.
In 1986, “…a rumour was widely spread that the Muslims in Sarkhej (a Muslim locality in Ahmedabad) had burnt alive more than 60 Hindus travelling by a bus. The rumour was so strong that TV and radio had to counter it lest it should have had disastrous consequences.” When that rumour, which could have had catastrophic effects in 1986, became a horrific reality in 2002 Godhra—with 59 Hindus, including women and children, charred to death by a Muslim mob—the victims were dehumanised, and the gruesome mass murder glossed over.
Both of these 1986 incidents are mentioned in Engineer’s “Gujarat Burns Again” (see references).
From 1969 to 2002, of the 17 communal riots that claimed more than 100 lives, 10 took place under Congress or Congress+ governments, whereas one under the BJP government. The narrative is such as if communal riots began in 2002, and that the 1984 anti-Sikh pogrom and the ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Pandits, pale in comparison to the Gujarat riots. This is why Kamal Nath becoming Congress CM of Madhya Pradesh did not trouble any minorities champions.
This is not to diminish the horrors of the 2002 riots, but to demonstrate the skewed nature of the narrative. The Congress-led UPA, NGOs and activists, and the media, tried relentlessly to find a shred of evidence against Modi, but failed. The Supreme Court verdict firmly established that there was no government conspiracy, that the state had taken all precautionary measures, and that the testimonies of Sanjiv Bhatt, Haren Pandya and Sreekumar were replete with falsehoods. There have been no major riots in Gujarat since then; the only two decade-long period of communal peace in over three centuries.
DEMOGRAPHY IS DESTINY
Amidst the narratives of minorities in danger, a closer look at demographic trends unveils a different reality. According to a recently released research study by the Economic Advisory Council to the Prime Minister (EAC-PM), the Hindu population share in India witnessed a decline of 7.81% between 1950 and 2015, while it rose for Muslims (43.15%), Christians (5.38%), and Sikhs (6.58%). Neighbouring Nepal, the only other Hindu country in the world, also saw a decline in its majority population share by 3.61%.
What the world sees as two important minority religions in India, are two global majorities, and Hinduism is at a disadvantage not only in terms of the number of countries that are predominantly Christian or Muslim, but also because it is not a proselytising religion. As India grapples with its own realities, including the scars of Muslim rule and partition, and existing communal faultlines, laws such as those pertaining to anti-conversion and cow protection will remain sources of contention with the West. In Modi 3.0, the likely implementation of a Uniform Civil Code will provoke further outrage.
In the face of persistent domestic and global challenges, NaMo’s unwavering vision for a prosperous and united India stands firm. India’s success translates to upliftment for one-seventh of humanity, thereby benefiting the world at large. Yet, as India marches on the path of the world’s third largest economy, Western democracies are trying to hinder progress with false narratives. At some juncture, there may arise a clash between Western perceptions and India’s assertions, and it’s imperative for India to be prepared for such an eventuality.
During a campaign speech in Hyderabad on Friday, Prime Minister Narendra Modi articulated his idea of India as a reflection of our centuries-old legacy rooted in culture, truth, non-violence, and the concept of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, as well as the divinity of every soul. This idea of India embodies the empowered identity of our nation; the sentiment that this motherland is dearer than heaven. In an interview a day earlier, he mentioned that the decline in the population of an inclusive Hindu civilisation that has the potential to keep the world in balance, should be a matter of global concern. The world that is consumed by one conflict after another, should listen to PM Modi.
References: 1.Engineer, Asghar Ali. “Communal Violence and Police Terror.” Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 21, no. 9 (March 1986) 2. Engineer, Asghar Ali, and Tanushri. “Gujarat Burns Again.” Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 21, no. 31 (August 1986)
Semu Bhatt is a political analyst.