New Delhi: The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) celebrates its foundation day on Vijayadashami. Like every year, on this Dussehra (this time on October 12), the RSS chief will outline the direction of the organization and India as the RSS reaches its centennial in 2025. It has already been stated that, unlike other organizations, there will be no grand celebrations during the centenary year. The RSS’s commitment to the ideals of Hindutva, society, and the nation—despite facing struggles, bans, and even imprisonment—culminating in its volunteers reaching the pinnacle of power, is no small feat. Therefore, it seems unjust for some to question what the RSS has gained from the BJP’s rise to power after the third consecutive term of Narendra Modi, who was trained within the RSS.
In recent times, there have been discussions in political circles and the media about conflicts and changes in the relationship between the RSS and BJP leadership. However, based on my nearly 50 years in journalism and interactions with leaders across political parties, I can say that differences in opinion have existed since the time of Balraj Madhok, one of the founding members of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, and will continue to exist in the future. But to think that the RSS would weaken or remove the Prime Minister to teach the BJP a lesson is simply a misunderstanding or a selfish notion held by certain factions or leaders.
It’s perhaps a coincidence that very few journalists, like myself, had the opportunity to meet the RSS’s second chief, Guru Golwalkar, in 1972, and later interview prominent leaders like Rajendra Singh and K.S. Sudarshan. I also had the chance to interact with current RSS and BJP leaders. A part of this was because I started my career as a correspondent with the RSS-backed news agency, Hindusthan Samachar. Until 1975, I worked closely with senior colleagues like Baleshwar Agarwal, N.B. Lele, and Ramshankar Agnihotri. During this time, they introduced me to Congress leaders such as Yashwantrao Chavan, Jagjivan Ram, Vidya Charan Shukla, and Dwarka Prasad Mishra. This early exposure allowed me to later meet and understand Prime Ministers from Indira Gandhi to Narendra Modi.
When I compare the 1970s era of the RSS, where the organization had modest resources and records of workers in notebooks, to the current times, where the RSS operates out of grand offices with computer systems containing data on millions of volunteers, it’s clear that the RSS has come a long way. How can one question what the RSS has achieved?
As of 2022-23, the RSS had 68,651 branches (shakhas) in India. Preparing to celebrate its 100th anniversary, the RSS has set a target of reaching every block in the country and increasing the number of shakhas to 100,000. While the BJP’s government hasn’t necessarily benefited the RSS in a material sense, it has significantly increased its visibility and acceptability in society. Initiatives such as the construction of a grand temple in Ayodhya, the removal of Article 370 from Kashmir, India’s nuclear capabilities, its strong stance against Pakistan and China, economic self-reliance, and the global promotion of Hinduism and Indian temples—all align with the RSS’s goals. Could these have been achieved without the government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership?
Regarding the RSS-BJP relationship, in September 2018, during a lecture series titled “Future of India and RSS’s Vision,” RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat clarified: “From the very beginning, the RSS has decided not to engage in daily politics. Who rules is determined by the people through elections. We focus on national interests through our ideas and efforts. The Prime Minister and other leaders have been RSS volunteers, but this does not mean they operate under the directives of Nagpur (RSS headquarters). Leaders in politics are either of my generation or older and have more experience in politics. Therefore, they don’t need advice on running the country, but if they seek it, we offer our opinions. We have no influence on their politics or the government’s policies.”
In this context, I sometimes tell my journalist friends that this is truly a “family matter.” Imagine if Narendra Modi had stayed in the RSS and become the chief, and Mohan Bhagwat had become the Prime Minister. Their goals would have remained the same, but roles differ within the family, and each person’s success depends on how well they perform their role.
As for changes, just as Congress, shaped by Gandhi and Nehru’s ideas, and the Communist parties, inspired by Marx and Lenin, have evolved significantly in India and beyond, so has the RSS. Critics who try to understand the RSS or BJP through the lens of Guru Golwalkar’s oldest writings must also pay attention to the continuous ideological evolution within the RSS. During Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s tenure as Prime Minister, disagreements arose over issues such as Swadeshi and labour movements, but these disagreements no longer exist in the same form. Moreover, few people realize that top RSS leaders have consistently emphasized that nearly 98% of India’s population is Indian by origin, including Sikhs, Muslims, Christians, Buddhists, and others, regardless of their religious practices. In an interview on October 4, 1997, RSS chief Rajendra Singh stated, “We believe that only 2% of India’s Muslims have ancestors who came from outside the country; the rest have Indian ancestors. We want them to realize that while they are Muslim, they are also Indian Muslims.”
It is for this reason that the RSS and BJP leaders are working to control the extremist thoughts and activities within madrasas and waqf boards. Some leaders, at lower levels, have unfortunately begun using divisive language, which not only harms the image of the Modi government but also tarnishes India’s global reputation. Such individuals can be considered the real enemies of Modi. In this regard, democracy and judicial systems have provided a check, as seen in the Supreme Court’s recent decision to stop the excessive use of bulldozers for punishment in Uttar Pradesh. More significantly, over the past decade, most Indian states have avoided major communal riots, in stark contrast to the 1970s-90s, when such violence claimed hundreds of lives.
Yet, foreign organizations continue to issue biased reports alleging religious discrimination and persecution in India, targeting India’s economic progress. The challenge for the RSS and BJP lies in ensuring that extremists don’t gain undue importance and that their focus remains on the overall development of India. Caste-based politics cannot be tackled through communal methods. A nation becomes stronger and more prosperous when all sections of society progress together.
The truth is that the RSS still sees in Narendra Modi a rare blend of ideological commitment and political pragmatism. Thus, RSS’s leaders’ claims of resolving differences in a “family-like manner” largely hold true. The combined efforts of Prime Minister Modi and RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s team have expanded their influence in regions like the Northeast and South India. Their goal is not immediate gains but to strengthen India with their ideals and values over the next 50-100 years. This year’s Vijayadashami is likely to reflect a similar resolve.