While the Modi government will focus on fulfilling the manifesto promises, and advancing its 2047 vision, this article highlights three critical issues that NaMo must address for the BJP.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s decision to remain in office after the electoral setback indicates that he has embraced the reduced mandate as a challenge and is prepared to fight. This is why it is unlikely that he will quit at 75, as doing so would appear to be throwing in the towel. Let us not forget that NaMo is no stranger to facing tough times; in fact, he has confronted and overcome more intense challenges and formidable forces than any other contemporary Indian leader. His popularity and governance have been central to the party’s success, and it was due to the enduring appeal of Brand Modi that the BJP secured 240 seats in the 2024 elections despite the party machinery’s underwhelming performance. Nonetheless, as he turns 74 this week, there will be questions about whether NaMo will retire after a year, and if so, who will succeed him.
WHO AFTER NAMO?
Assuming, for the sake of argument that Modi retires from office in a year, which BJP leader would succeed him? Two prominent and widely discussed names are Amit Shah and Yogi Adityanath. Shah has been instrumental in expanding the BJP’s footprint across India and making it the dominant political force. He maintains an iron grip on the party. However, he does not necessarily enjoy favour with the RSS, and is perceived as overly transactional by many BJP supporters. Yogi Adityanath, though popular, would need to deliver a strong performance in Uttar Pradesh, and demonstrate political acumen similar to Modi’s to pave his way to Delhi. The BJP is unlikely to cede the top post to an ally, making that option improbable.
One thing is certain, though: if the BJP does not get its house in order, it will inadvertently assist the Opposition alliance in gaining a genuine opportunity to seize power at some point.
That brings me to Rahul Gandhi, who has positioned himself as the primary challenger to Modi. The bitter truth is that the Congress has failed for the third consecutive time to electorally defeat the Modi-led BJP. Rahul Gandhi’s divisive rhetoric, criticism of India on foreign soil, and association with individuals known for anti-India views, create the impression that he is willing to seek power at any cost, even if it means compromising India’s unity and security. Additionally, the financial troubles of Congress-ruled states and his khatakhat promises raise valid concerns about the party’s ability to uplift the Indian economy. The party operates as though it exists to serve one family, and has engaged in the very same actions it accuses the BJP of committing, but on a much larger scale. As India’s strategic indispensability in the Indo-Pacific can no longer be overlooked, and as Western companies back India for derisking from China, it remains to be seen whether a leader who constantly exploits India’s fault lines, and leans further left with each passing day, would be favoured for long.
BJP’S PATH FORWARD
While the Modi government will focus on fulfilling the manifesto promises, and advancing its 2047 vision, this article highlights three critical issues that NaMo must address for the BJP.
Firstly, Rahul Gandhi is not the primary challenge; rather, the BJP itself poses the most significant obstacle. Given the party’s strong position as it approached the 2024 elections, it was clear that only the BJP had the potential to disrupt its own trajectory. Surprisingly, the party managed to undermine its own Mission 400.
Regardless of whether NaMo plans to continue in power after turning 75, he must tackle the internal party turmoil and counter the trend of the BJP’s “Congressification” as a matter of urgency. This includes reversing the growing “me first” mentality evident at all levels—from leaders and elected representatives to grassroots workers.
Another significant challenge is communications, an area that has long needed an overhaul. It is worth remembering that as Chief Minister of Gujarat, NaMo successfully showcased the state’s development to India and the world, earning recognition even from those who viewed him as a persona non grata. It is therefore inexplicable why the BJP has struggled to maintain a strong narrative around its successes despite a plethora of achievements, such as the abrogation of Article 370, lifting millions out of multidimensional poverty, mainstreaming the Northeast, constructing over 10 crore toilets, saving lakhs of lives through the Swachh Bharat initiative, saturation in basic amenities, financial and digital inclusion, healthcare, Skill India, Mudra, and a massive infrastructure push.
Rather than compelling the Opposition to raise the bar and focus on governance and development, the BJP sometimes lowers the level of discourse to match that of the Opposition, and indulges in revadi distribution of its own. People have short memories; if the BJP does not consistently highlight its achievements, they may be forgotten. On social media, one keeps coming across laments from the party’s supporters, especially the middle class, who often question what is being done for them. Initiatives like Ayushman Bharat, which now covers senior citizens aged 70 and above across income groups, and Jan Aushadhi Kendras are two excellent examples of what has been accomplished. However, there is no sustained effort to communicate these effectively.
Lastly, there is the issue of the saffron tag. Globally, the BJP government is labelled as the Hindutva government. Several biased reports and rankings paint an unfair picture of India by selectively highlighting attacks on minorities while ignoring frequent stone pelting incidents on Hindu religious processions, “sar tan se juda” slogans by Muslims, and the blasphemy killings. Ideally, self-appointed watchdogs should care about all lives—whether Muslims, Christians, or Hindus—but they tend to focus on only certain communities, and that too, only in specific nations. They have been ignoring the persecution of Hindus in Bangladesh, as well as the persecution of Christians, Shias, and Ahmadiyas in Pakistan, alongside Hindus.
While the Modi government is criticised by Western observers for promoting Hindutva and being anti-Muslim, NaMo is disparagingly referred to as a maulana in India for his outreach to a section of Muslims and for being perceived as too accommodating to the community. The BJP must navigate these conflicting perceptions.
CONCLUSION
The BJP is likely to remain the most dominant party in the years to come; however, how it handles its internal issues and future succession plans at both the Centre and in the states will significantly impact India’s political landscape. As Narendra Modi’s tenure progresses, the BJP’s immediate challenge is to manage its internal discord and maintain its political edge. The key question is not when Modi will step down, but whether the BJP remains unified and strong both during and after his leadership.
Semu Bhatt is a strategic adviser, analyst, and author.