OTTAWA: Why not start by putting economic development dollars into the South Pacific as a first step in checking China’s aggression in the region?
In the wake of World War II, Europe faced significant devastation and economic turmoil, prompting Western nations to seek a collective defence strategy against potential threats, particularly from the Soviet Union. The initial step towards this goal was the Treaty of Brussels, signed in 1948 by Belgium, France, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom, focusing on mutual defence and economic cooperation. The Berlin Blockade of 1948-1949 further underscored the necessity for a unified Western defence, accelerating discussions about a broader security alliance.
On April 4, 1949, these efforts culminated in the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty, also known as the Washington Treaty, in Washington, D.C. The treaty established NATO as a collective defence alliance with 12 founding members: the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, Norway, Denmark, Iceland, Italy, and Portugal. Article 5 of the treaty, declaring that an armed attack against one member is an attack against all, became the cornerstone of NATO’s collective defence principle.
But when Donald Trump said “if you don’t spend your 2% we will not defend you and Russia can do whatever the hell they want,” it was a seminal moment for many and why strategic alliances, be they NATO or the possibility for a Pacific Treaty Alliance need to have the financial backing of governments if they are to be taken seriously by our strategic rivals.
Initially focused on countering the Soviet threat, NATO has evolved to address new global security challenges, including the increasing assertiveness of China in the South China Sea. Territorial disputes and military buildup in this region have raised significant security concerns both regionally and globally. To counterbalance China’s influence, the Quad—comprising the United States, India, Japan, and Australia—has gained prominence, emphasizing a free and open Indo-Pacific region.
China’s role as a significant enabler of Russia’s war in Ukraine, as well as enabling and supporting Hamas terrorists in Gaza, as highlighted in Joyeeta Basu’s article in The Sunday Guardian recently. NATO members are aware and this has further strained international relations with China. China has continued to spread its influence in the Indo and South Pacific in smaller states who became very vulnerable to the allure of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its promises of win-win partnerships. The Solomon Islands’ recent political shifts exemplify this influence.
In 2019, Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare’s government switched diplomatic recognition from Taiwan to China, adopting a “One China” policy and deepening ties with Beijing. This occurred while Australia and New Zealand appeared complacent. I discussed this issue with Bede Corry, the former New Zealand Ambassador to Washington and now Foreign Affairs Minister in June. He seemed optimistic about the April elections that saw 19 pro-democracy politicians elected and I agreed. However, this falls short of the majority needed to shift policy away from Beijing.
Among the few brave voices standing against this tide is Daniel Suidani, former Premier of Malaita Province. Suidani emerged as a vocal critic of Sogavare’s alignment with China, advocating for democracy and freedom. His resistance to the central government’s pro-China stance led to significant political friction. Under Suidani’s leadership, he tried to distance Malaita province from the influence of Beijing while seeking to maintain their diplomatic relationship with Taiwan and resist the CCP’s grip, culminating in targeted actions against him by the federal government and UFWD (United Front Works Department) proxies. His stance highlighted internal divisions within the Solomon Islands. It underscored the broader geopolitical struggle for influence in the Pacific region that he highlighted during his visit to the United States and Canada last Spring.
Recently, Suidani was in court, attempting to overturn his illegal removal as a legislator in March of 2023, orchestrated by allies aligned with the corrupt Sogavare government. Despite winning his seat back in April of this year, the precedent set by his original removal, remains a threat. The federal government, now under the control of Sogavare’s former Minister of Foreign Affairs, continues to exert control, exemplifying a kind of tyranny that should not exist in a parliamentary democracy. A group formed to defend Professor Anne-Marie Brady, the China Democracy Fund is currently raising funds to pay for Suidani’s legal defence (I am the volunteer CEO of the organization).
Over the past decade, the Solomon Islands’ trade with India has increased, with hardwood being their major export. However, the 54 million (US$ 2022) pales in comparison to the trade with China. If India is looking for opportunities for direct foreign investment to deepen political alliances in the region then the Solomon Islands may be just one destination of interest. While in Delhi in 2023 I discussed this with MP Sujeet Kumar, a member of the Interparliamentary Alliance on China, who understands China’s coercive strategies in the Asia Pacific and “sees potential to partner with South Pacific nations” as the Indian economy and its influence expands.
We should all be aware that the geopolitical landscape in the Asia Pacific is being shaped by China’s assertive and sometimes belligerent actions and the responses from regional and global powers have been tepid at best. Daniel Suidani’s struggle for democracy in the Solomon Islands underscores the broader battle for influence and the importance of supporting democratic values in the face of coercion. International support and strategic alliances are crucial in countering these challenges and ensuring a free and open region.
As the NATO Summit in Washington closed, leaders from partner nations like Australia, Japan, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea, have all committed to finding ways to further the strategic defence initiative against an increasingly aggressive PLA, but why not start by putting economic development dollars into the South Pacific as a first step in checking China’s aggression in the region? The situation in the Solomon Islands serves as a microcosm of the broader geopolitical dynamics at play, with small island nations becoming arenas for larger power contests.
The alliance’s involvement in the Indo-Pacific, alongside initiatives like the Quad alliance, represents a commitment to upholding a rules-based international order and countering the influence of authoritarian regimes. This expanded focus underscores NATO’s enduring relevance in a rapidly changing global landscape, where traditional and emerging threats require a cohesive and proactive approach.
By addressing these contemporary challenges, NATO remains a pivotal force in promoting global security, fostering international cooperation, and defending democratic values worldwide.
Dean Baxendale is a publisher, writer and human rights advocate. He is the CEO of Optimum Publishing and the China Democracy Fund and a contributor to The Sunday Guardian.