On 4 April 2025, South Korea witnessed a historic moment when its Constitutional Court removed President Yoon Suk-yeol from office, bringing an abrupt end to a foreign policy experiment that saw South Korea pivot decisively towards the United States and Japan under the banner of the Indo-Pacific strategy. As the country prepares for new elections within the next 60 days, the winds of change are already evident. With the opposition leader Lee Jae-myung widely expected to take charge, the country’s foreign policy compass is poised to swing toward a more balanced, multipolar worldview—one that prioritizes Eurasian engagement and regional stability over military blocs and strategic posturing.
This is a decisive moment not just for South Korea but also for its key partners, especially India. For New Delhi, the ongoing regional realignment in Northeast Asia demands a fundamental rethinking of its Korea policy. If India wishes to remain relevant and shape the emerging regional order, it must shift away from its overreliance on the Indo-Pacific strategy and embrace a broader vision rooted in multipolarity, inclusive diplomacy, and strategic realism.
END OF KOREA’S INDO-PACIFIC TILT
Under President Yoon, South Korea’s foreign policy closely mirrored Washington’s neoconservative outlook, emphasizing containment of China, deepening ties with Japan, and aligning more aggressively with the U.S.-led Indo-Pacific framework. This narrow alignment came at the expense of Seoul’s historical pragmatism and its capacity to maintain constructive relations with its neighbours—including China, Russia, and North Korea.
With the Yoon administration now overthrown and the pendulum swinging in the opposite direction, the next South Korean leadership is expected to place greater emphasis on strategic balance, economic pragmatism, and regional cooperation. The new leadership is unlikely to sustain the confrontational posture of the past few years. Instead, it may seek deeper integration with Eurasian partners and move away from strategies aimed at countering China and isolating North Korea.
This shift marks a critical turning point for India. For too long, India’s Korea policy has been confined within the narrow framework of the Indo-Pacific—driven largely by security concerns and maritime strategy. That approach is now outdated. India squandered valuable time and failed to capitalize on strategic opportunities, while China effectively outmanoeuvred New Delhi on the Korean Peninsula and in the broader region. India must now face the new geopolitical realities with clarity and urgency. The old playbook no longer applies. A bold, recalibrated strategy is essential if India wants to regain relevance and secure its interests in Northeast Asia and in the Korean peninsula.
The world order is undergoing a tectonic shift. The Ukraine war, ongoing instability in the Middle East, and the resurgence of Donald Trump’s “America First” ideology have accelerated the erosion of U.S. dominance. Meanwhile, BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) are emerging as new pillars of global governance. At the 2024 BRICS Summit in Kazan, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the UAE officially joined the grouping, and Indonesia followed in early 2025. BRICS is now not only a geopolitical entity but also a platform pushing for a post-dollar world, with the launch of its own settlement currency being a game-changing development.
Trade data now confirms that BRICS has overtaken the G7 in combined economic weight, a trend that continues to widen the gap between Western-led and emerging multilateral frameworks. South Korea—traditionally seen as a Western ally—is increasingly exposed to this changing landscape. The economic logic of joining hands with China, Russia, and other Eurasian powers is becoming stronger by the day, especially as the U.S. turns increasingly protectionist and transactional in its foreign policy. India cannot afford to overlook this transformation.
India must recognize that the Indo-Pacific strategy, which once held great promise, is rapidly losing steam. The Quad’s ability to shape regional outcomes is weakening, and ASEAN’s discomfort with security groupings is growing. South Korea’s turn toward multilateralism means India must recalibrate its approach—not just toward Seoul but toward the entire East Asian region.
India should no longer view China and North Korea solely through a lens of hostility and containment. Both countries are now going to be an integral part of any future architecture of peace and cooperation in Northeast Asia. India must accept this new ground reality and act accordingly. Furthermore, India, as a historical advocate of peaceful coexistence and multipolarity, must take the lead in building bridges—not wall.
India’s reopening of its embassy in Pyongyang is a positive step, but it must go further. Active political dialogue, economic cooperation, and confidence-building measures with North Korea should be pursued, while simultaneously reinforcing ties with South Korea on the basis of shared economic interests and mutual respect for sovereignty.
RISKS OF STICKING TO THE OLD SCRIPT
If India continues to align itself uncritically with U.S.-led strategic blocs, it risks isolation in a region that is rapidly redefining itself. Japan and South Korea are already moving closer to China in response to growing uncertainties surrounding U.S. policy. This trilateral realignment is gaining traction, and India may find itself on the outside looking in if it does not adjust.
India’s traditional strategic ambiguity is fast becoming a liability. The days of hedging between global powers without choosing sides are nearing an end. India must now decide whether it wishes to remain tethered to a declining U.S.-centric order or embrace a new regionalism anchored in multipolar collaboration and peaceful coexistence.
Failing to shift gears could jeopardize not only India-Korea economic cooperation—including the goal of reaching $50 billion in bilateral trade—but also emerging areas such as defence technology collaboration, semiconductor manufacturing, and green energy partnerships. Under a more China- and Eurasia-friendly administration, South Korea may become increasingly hesitant to share sensitive technologies with a country perceived as hostile to China and North Korea.
New push for strategic cooperation between India and South Korea must reflect the changing realities of the regional and global order. Rather than doubling down on maritime security and outdated Indo-Pacific rhetoric, both nations should now align their efforts toward more forward-looking and mutually beneficial domains. One of the most critical pillars of this cooperation should be advanced technology. Joint research and development in emerging fields such as artificial intelligence, robotics, semiconductors, and quantum computing can not only enhance their technological edge but also reduce dependence on Western technology ecosystems. As technological competition becomes the new battleground for global influence, India and South Korea stand to gain enormously by pooling their strengths and building innovation-driven partnerships.
Another urgent and promising area is green energy and climate cooperation. With the climate crisis worsening and global energy markets in flux, shared investments in hydrogen energy, carbon-neutral infrastructure, and environmental innovation are essential. South Korea’s cutting-edge green tech industry and India’s scale and growing clean energy sector create a complementary base for collaboration. Together, they can become leaders in driving sustainable development across the broader Asian region.
Equally crucial is the development of regional supply chain resilience. The disruptions caused by the Covid-19 pandemic and the geopolitical rivalry between the United States and China have exposed the vulnerability of global supply chains. India and South Korea must work together to develop regional industrial ecosystems that reduce overreliance on Western markets and build greater autonomy. This collaboration can enhance their economic security while also providing a stable foundation for regional growth.
Beyond economics and technology, cultural and educational exchanges must be revitalized to promote deeper people-to-people ties. By expanding academic collaborations, student exchanges, tourism, and cultural programs, both countries can build the kind of trust and soft power influence that underpins long-term strategic partnerships. A strong cultural connection will help both societies understand each other better and counter past stereotypes that sometimes hinder meaningful cooperation.
India and South Korea must work more actively within multilateral frameworks such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. As South Korea pivots towards more Eurasia-friendly diplomacy, these platforms offer a valuable opportunity to align strategic visions. India, already a key player in both groupings, can serve as a natural bridge between Seoul and these emerging power centres. Expanding trilateral cooperation involving China, Russia, and South Korea, with India playing a constructive role, will help all parties adapt to the shifting contours of the new multipolar world.
Notably, South Korea’s recent trilateral dialogues with China and Japan have already explored cooperation in areas like climate change, disaster management, digital technology, and eldercare. Though political and security consensus has yet to materialize, the momentum for regional integration is undeniable. In this dynamic environment, India must act decisively to position itself as a proactive and constructive player in these emerging frameworks—not as an outsider clinging to outdated alliances, but as a visionary partner shaping the future of Asia.
A VISION FOR THE FUTURE
It is time for India to shed its Cold War hangover and reinvent itself as a confident, forward-looking actor in Northeast Asia. The era of ideological alliances and strategic containment is giving way to a new age of pragmatic cooperation, shared development, and regional peacebuilding.
India, Japan, China, Korea, and Russia together hold the key to a peaceful and prosperous East Asia. They must create a new alliance—not one rooted in exclusion and deterrence but in industrial synergy, profit-sharing cooperation, and values-based but non-hegemonic diplomacy.
India and South Korea, in particular, should spearhead efforts to reform global governance institutions, strengthen BRICS+, and foster a political-economic multilateral platform for regional stability. This is not just an opportunity,it is a necessity.
India’s Korea policy must evolve—not just to adapt to the times but to lead them. The time for strategic shift is now.
* Dr Lakhvinder Singh is Director of Peace and Security Studies at the Asia Institute in Seoul, South Korea.